Category: Features

  • Trans Women in Prison Tell Their Stories

    On his first day back in office, President Trump signed an executive order that banned all forms of gender-affirming care for trans people in federal prisons. Six months later, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) from enforcing the order. This block is still in effect today.

    Despite the judge’s order, Uncloseted Media’s Hope Pisoni spoke with eight incarcerated trans women and reviewed legal statements by several more and found that the BOP is still denying trans people access to gender-affirming accommodations. Over the course of her monthslong investigation, Pisoni also found that the women who stood up for themselves reported being met with intense retaliation, from lengthened sentences to physical violence.

    In the second episode of “UNCLOSETED, with Spencer Macnaughton,” Pisoni breaks down the investigation.

    Watch the full podcast above or read the transcript below.

    Spencer Macnaughton: Hi everyone, welcome back to UNCLOSETED with me, Spencer Macnaughton, a new podcast where we expand on our accountability-focused LGBTQ journalism that you may already be accustomed to from our Substack or our Instagram. And today, I am thrilled to have our very own investigative journalist, Hope Pisoni, on the pod to discuss her recent investigation that revealed how the Bureau of Prisons may be illegally denying trans incarcerated people gender-affirming care. Hope, welcome to the pod.

    Hope Pisoni: Thanks so much for having me.

    SM: So, let’s get right into it. You spoke to eight incarcerated trans women over the course of seven months, just unbelievable reporting, and you found that the Bureau of Prisons is illegally denying this care. Tell me a little bit more about how you discovered that and what you mean when you say they’re illegally denying them the care.

    HP: So, it’s useful to take a quick step back and explain what has been happening in the Bureau of Prisons at the federal level in regards to trans people. On day one of his second term, President Trump signed an executive order which contained a number of anti-trans provisions in a number of public spheres, including specifically a ban on federal funds being used for gender-affirming care in prisons. The Trump administration was sued by the ACLU and Transgender Law Center in the coming months,claiming this is a violation of the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment. A judge agreed in June that that challenge was likely to prevail in the case and issued what’s called a preliminary injunction, which means that the Bureau of Prisons was blocked from being allowed to enforce that executive order as the trial continues. 

    SM: So, Trump issues an executive order banning the care and then a judge intervenes and issues a preliminary injunction, meaning that that care should still, today, be legal for trans incarcerated people in federal prisons. Is that right? 

    HP: That’s correct.

    SM: Got it. Okay, interesting. So then, you’re finding out, though, that this is not always happening, that the Bureau of Prisons isn’t still giving this care, which is supposed to be legally accessible. How specifically did you find that the trans women you spoke with aren’t able to get this care? What do you mean by that?

    HP: I think it’s worth talking about, as well, what we mean by gender-affirming accommodations. There’s really three major categories, the first of which being gender-affirming health care, so hormone replacement therapy The second of which is more broadly termed social accommodations, which are things like chest binders for trans men or razors for trans women to shave facial and body hair, things that are really helpful, or female undergarments so that trans women do not have to expose their breasts to other inmates. All of these sorts of accommodations which are necessary to deal with gender dysphoria, and to just life in prison as the gender that they are. And the third is a more minor one, which was there used to be provisions that allowed transgender women to get a card that would exempt them from being searched by male guards. And those cards have also been revoked.

    SM: And when it comes to hormones, obviously, those are things that can affect people physically. Some of these women have likely been waiting to get on them and are told they’re not gonna have them. What was the psychological impact for the women you spoke to when they realized they might not be able to get these hormones, which I know many of them describe as lifesaving?

    HP: I spoke to some people who did indeed lose access. I spoke to a woman named Valerie, and she says she was not able to access her estrogen medication, which she had been on at that point for, I believe, 11 years, which is a very, very long time. And at that point, your body gets very used to the hormonal environment of being on medication, and the results of being off of it can be very damaging. She talked about being very on edge, very irritable, experiencing severe mood swings, all of these terrible emotional psychological effects, which is of course not to mention just the increase in dysphoria and the mental weight that that has.

    I didn’t speak to this woman directly, but there was someone whose story I reviewed in legal documents who was also denied hormones for several months, who talks about having had dysphoria so bad as a result of being off of the hormones that she had essentially psychotic breaks where she was scratching at her arms trying to remove body hair that had been growing thicker and faster as a result of not being on estrogen and spironolactone.

    Note: The declaration does not specifically describe these events as “psychotic breaks.”

    SM: Wow, unbelievable and horrifying imagery there to think about from these conversations you had with some of these women. And we talk about gender-affirming care, and I think a lot of people know what we’re talking about when we say that, but when we say gender-affirming accommodations, there were a lot of other little things, like you mentioned: undergarments and razors. What did you learn about the impact that has when those things are taken away? Which, a lot of people might think, “Eh, it’s a razor or an undergarment.” What does this mean to these women, having those things removed as it relates to their gender identity?

    HP: Yeah, and I completely understand what you mean when you say that for a lot of people, it’s not necessarily intuitive. Like, “Oh, why this is something that’s considered such a huge deal?” But the way that people explain it, it really starts to make sense. So, for instance, if you are a woman in prison and you’ve been on estrogen for a very long time, you have breasts and you have a female body, or a very visually understandable as female body, and in the federal prison you are surrounded by men, which means that you’re going to attract unwanted sexual attention. And say that you used to be able to have bras that you could wear, but the prison took them away. Now you don’t have a bra, and so whenever you’re forced to change in the communal showers or any other sort of scenario, you’re forced to expose your breasts to a crowd of men, and people describe how dehumanizing that can be, how objectifying that can feel. Or, for instance, with razors, I mean, this is something I can speak to myself. Facial hair is an extremely common and potent part of gender dysphoria for a lot of trans women and not being allowed access to good razors or being allowed to shave for very long periods of time could lead to growing a beard or a mustache, which a lot of people said can be, perhaps understandably, very bad for gender dysphoria because it heightens that incongruity.

    SM: Yeah, that’s really interesting and something, as a cis man, I don’t have to think about, but it’s really fascinating to learn. So, I guess the basic question I have is: How? How are they allowed to just illegally remove a lot of this care? I mean, it’s illegal, no?

    HP: Well, it’s illegal, but of course, the only people who are going to be able to report these things, a lot of the time, are the people incarcerated, and of course, they don’t have the same access to media in the outside world. For instance, in Kansas, you saw that the state took away people’s driver’s licenses, and we were able to hear about that almost immediately because people were posting on social media, reporting to the news, but if you’re in prison, you can’t necessarily do that. And more importantly, even though there are people like me who are reporters, talking to the people on the inside, the Bureau of Prisons has made a concerted effort to, in many of these cases, cut off access to the outside world. So, for starters, just the baseline things: Calls with people incarcerated, if you are not their lawyer, can only last up to 15 minutes at a time, and they have to front the bill a lot of the time as well to cover the costs of that.

    SM: The incarcerated people do?

    HP: Yes.

    SM: Got it.

    HP: So that’s an immediate barrier all on its own. While there are ways for news media representatives to schedule interviews with people, the ball is entirely within the Bureau of Prisons’ Court to decide whether or not that is allowed. So, I had multiple interview requests for longer conversations with people. One of them I just never ended up getting an answer back, and another one I was denied, told that me having an interview with that person would “[disrupt] the good order of the institution,” and I later found out from the woman that I had been trying to speak to that she was later informed by an official at her prison that if she called me on the phone, or any other reporter, she would be thrown in a more restrictive unit, which, as I mentioned earlier, more restrictive units often mean even more restrictions on access to gender-affirming care. So, it’s a double bind, and a lot of the time these women, even when people are looking, are cut off from being able to tell the press what’s happening. It’s just challenge after challenge after challenge.

    SM: It’s interesting. You don’t think about how hard it would be to talk about injustice inside prison walls compared to the ease to which somebody could say, “Hey, I’m having my driver’s license revoked in Kansas.” So, it’s a really interesting comparison that you draw there.

    Another theme that you found through your reporting was retaliation. When some incarcerated trans women that you spoke with tried to speak out, tried to raise their hand and say, “this isn’t right, this is illegal,” they report facing retaliation. One of the main folks in the piece was Grace Pinson, who is a prolific jailhouse lawyer, you describe her as. She’s serving time for mailing a death threat to President George Bush in 2007, but since she’s been in there, she has been a major activist and advocate for not just herself, but many other trans folks housed in prison. Is that right? Tell me about Grace and the retaliation she’s faced.

    HP: Yeah, so Grace has represented herself and won in multiple cases against the Bureau of Prisons, which, as I’m sure you can imagine, is very unusual. There was some coverage of this a couple years ago with the Marshall Project, and she’s also, like you mentioned, helped over—I believe I got a list that had over 20 people on it, both cis and trans at her prison, that she’s helped advocate for themselves and stand up for their rights and represent themselves. And that of course means that she has an extra target on her back, especially because she’s been very vocal for most of the time that the lawsuit has been running about the treatment that she’s faced, about the denial of gender-affirming care and gender-affirming accommodations that she’s faced and about the retaliation that she’s faced.

    SM: And you mentioned in the report that there was an incident where she was assaulted by staff in October. What happened there?

    HP: Yeah, so I later heard about this both from her over the phone, and from a couple people who witnessed it over the phone and in a legal declaration submitted by her to the court. She was assaulted by staff, they broke her arm, they cut the clothes off her body, walked her down the hallway naked and left her in restraints around her torso, wrists and legs for 10 hours. And I want to read something from the legal declaration that she says she was told by a prison official. She says he told her, “Don’t play the victim. I know what you’ve been writing to that judge in DC. You did the crime and put yourself here. You know you were born with a penis and would be put in a male prison. The judge doesn’t run this prison. I run this prison.”

    SM: Wow, that is a harrowing description and a harrowing quote. In a report, the BOP did confirm that the altercation took place, but they claimed that it was not in retaliation for Pinson’s advocacy and that she sustained “minor injuries.” It’s just crazy, these examples you give, Hope. I mean, the retaliation, the suppression of being able to speak with the media and then just the inability to genuinely access this care. You’ve done a lot of reporting on trans incarcerated people now, you did another story on state prisons. What have you learned about how the public views the incarcerated population, and the trans incarcerated population, based on the responses that you’ve received? I know we’ve had a lot of feedback on these articles.

    HP: It has been good to see that within trans communities, there are people who do care about these issues. It’s obviously a very important and very egregious violations of rights. But there’s also been some pushback to all of the prison reporting that I’ve done. Especially my first article, which was about state prisons across the US, got a lot of pushback, especially because it got picked up by an anti-trans publication online, which was taking great issue with the fact that some of the people who were featured in that story had, in fact, done very horrible things to end up in prison. I won’t sugarcoat it. Some of the people that I’ve spoken to for both of these stories have done very horrible things to end up in prison. Some haven’t, some have. And we got a lot of pushback because of that. That article on our article picked up some decent traction.

    SM: And Hope, what do you think of that on a personal level? When people say, “Look, why do these people who have done such horrible things deserve rights? They shouldn’t even have them.” That’s what a lot of the rhetoric became, especially in these far-right spaces. What do you say to that?

    HP: I think that you can learn a lot about a society and a culture by seeing how they treat the most vulnerable people among them. Seeing how they treat people who are least seen as people, in a way, you could say. Incarcerated people are very vulnerable and very stigmatized, as are trans people. In the intersection between that, you see this very intense dehumanization and depersonalization, where, I think it should be fair to say, in a just society, that no matter what someone has done or no matter how we feel about someone, they should not be faced with cruel and unusual punishment. And I think that the things we’ve described, like being beaten, being put in chains, having your healthcare taken away, being forced into hormonal imbalance, all of these things are cruel and unusual. And the reason that I think that these attitudes say so much about a society and say so much about a culture is that, in a way, it shows us how people think it’s okay to treat someone when they can get away with it. “This treatment is okay for these people,” ultimately means “this treatment is okay for people.” And on a personal level, I don’t think that’s right, I don’t think that’s just and I don’t think that’s constitutional either, frankly.

    SM: Well, we’re learning it is not constitutional, but they’re still operating in that way, hence the importance of your investigation. And also, I’ve learned this in the past, too. I remember when I was doing a story on far-right people way back at 60 Minutes and Nick Fuentes, the far-right nationalist, put my head, photoshopped it and put 11 of my head in an egg carton, and it went viral on Twitter. And some of these far-right people even posted your picture and started retweeting it as the journalist with these threatening messages. I mean, you cover a lot of really important stories on the LGBTQ community and the trans community. What’s that been like, receiving even just a bit of that pushback from folks who are so adversarial and immediately go on the offensive, in certain ways in a threatening manner?

    HP: Yeah, there was a major right-wing influencer who tweeted about the article about our article, posted my face. There was a lot of nasty stuff that was being said about me, some very transphobic, some antisemitic, actually. I do think that it is interesting. I mean, at the end of the day, I’m fine. I’ve been able to put the distance between it and me to not have it really affect me mentally so much. But more than anything my reaction is, I think it’s interesting and indicative of some of the stuff I was just talking about, that for all of the controversial topics that I’ve talked about thus far, that the thing that has gotten me the most hate and the most negative attention by far is saying that people who do bad things don’t deserve to be abused and don’t deserve to have their rights violated. And again, I think that’s just very telling of where the cultural conversation is about incarcerated people, and even additionally how that compounds with the intense amounts of transphobia in society right now.

    SM: It’s interesting, you say, the intersection of incarcerated folks and trans folks and the way people feel like they can treat that intersection just because of who they are. And Hope, I mean, where do we go now? Are they still operating illegally? What’s next for the women you spoke to? Do they just have to deal with it until further notice? What can we look for moving forward?

    HP: So, the lawsuit is still ongoing. There was a fairly major development which actually broke into some news outlets in February. It’s worth noting that there had been these developments for a while, but there wasn’t a lot of news pickup until recently. The Bureau of Prisons released a new policy, which got some coverage because it’s very awful. It essentially codifies that even people who have been on hormones for years will be weaned off of them gradually and that people who [don’t] already have them will not be able to get them, which is essentially what the executive order and the memo were always saying, but said in more specific terms. I do want to note about that, I have seen a lot of coverage of this policy that has reported its passage somewhat straightforwardly, saying this is a new policy, this is what’s going to be happening now. I want to qualify that it’s a little bit more complicated than that. Checking the text of the policy and speaking with the lawyers on the case reveals that it is also covered by the preliminary injunction. So, in theory, it also should not be enforced by the BOP until the injunction is either lifted or what have you in the case of what happens with the lawsuit.

    Now, as we’ve just spoken about, whether or not they’ll actually follow that is unclear. We’ve just spoken about how many times that they’ve violated the injunction in just the past year without this policy. But for what it’s worth, I spoke on background with a staff member at one prison, and I spoke with a few people who are incarcerated as well for updates. And it sounds like in the vast majority of cases, nothing has really changed, that the status quo of some violations and sometimes just malicious compliance, you could say, that’s still the same, nothing has changed. And it seems that the goal of this policy is, rather than to be introducing a new thing now, to be on the books so that when the injunction gets lifted, there’s immediately a plan and a policy to go into effect to take away these hormones and all of those things. I do want to note—there is one person for whom this new policy does seem to be in effect, and that is Grace Pinson. I got multiple people who reported to me that she, and as far as I can tell, only she—I have not gotten any other reports from any other people—did have her hormones taken away almost immediately. Which, again, is just in my eyes, a very clear form of retaliation. And not just in my eyes: This almost immediately meant that the BOP was brought back in front of a judge because he had just told the BOP to clamp down on the retaliation. And then mere days later, oh look, one of the biggest advocates suddenly had her hormones taken away. So, it’s not just my opinion. It’s also that the BOP has come under a distinct amount of scrutiny from the judge in the case for their claims that they’re not retaliating.

    SM: And when it comes to the women that you spoke to, it must be just so much uncertainty, so much fear, how are they feeling? Is there any takeaway about how they’re feeling with the uncertainty of what’s happening from a legal perspective in the outside world right now?

    HP: Yeah, I got a lot of messages and calls from people after that new policy went forth. I had some people who were crying on the phone. People were really, really concerned. And that’s another part of things, right? This is a thing we talk about with a lot of anti-trans policies at all levels affecting all people. You don’t always know what’s going to be enforced and what isn’t, but that’s part of how it works. It’s a scare tactic. It pushes people in an environment of fear to either sit down and shut up or, in some cases, even go back into the closet. And it’s very disconcerting.

    SM: I mean, one thing that is certainly only gonna help is explaining what’s happening in there and reporting these stories. So I’m really grateful to you for doing this investigation and all your work in this area. And the Federal Bureau of Prisons did get back to you via email. Their Office of Public Affairs, Scott Taylor from there said “We do not address allegations, and for privacy, safety, and security reasons, the Federal Bureau of Prisons does not discuss the conditions of confinement for any individual in custody. Additionally, the BOP does not comment on matters related to pending litigation or ongoing legal proceedings.” If you want to see their full response, you can head to unclosetedmedia.com. Hope, thank you so much for coming on the podcast and sharing this really important investigation. If you want to read Hope’s full investigation, head to unclosetedmedia.com, and please subscribe and like and follow UNCLOSETED with me, Spencer Macnaughton. You can find us anywhere you get your podcasts or on YouTube. Thanks again, Hope.

    HP: Sure, thanks for having me.

  • LGBTQ Travel Community Rallies Around Queer Scout After Boy Scouts of America Files Federal Lawsuit

    The LGBTQ travel community is rallying around Queer Scout, an emerging travel brand serving adult LGBTQ travelers, following a federal lawsuit filed by the Boy Scouts of America earlier this year. In recent days, support has accelerated as a fundraising campaign launched by its founder, Sam Castañeda Holdren (he/him), has gained visibility through growing engagement from industry voices across the LGBTQ travel sector.

    That early momentum is beginning to resonate across the LGBTQ travel sector, where many see the case as extending beyond a single brand and raising broader questions about visibility, identity, and the realities facing small, independent travel businesses.

    “We built Queer Scout to create space for LGBTQ travelers to be visible, to connect, and to experience destinations as their full, authentic selves,” said founder Sam Castañeda Holdren. “The support we’re seeing right now shows how much that visibility matters.”

    A Growing Sector Meets a Defining Moment

    LGBTQ travel continues to be one of the most dynamic and visible segments of the global tourism industry, with travelers increasingly seeking experiences designed specifically for their communities. In response, a new generation of travel brands has emerged, focused on identity, inclusion, and curated, community-driven experiences.

    Queer Scout is part of that shift, offering small-group and private experiences for LGBTQ travelers in destinations like Medellín, Colombia.

    That visibility is now at the center of a legal challenge.

    The Boy Scouts of America filed a federal lawsuit in February alleging that the name “Queer Scout” infringes on its family of “Scout” marks and could create confusion or false association. Queer Scout maintains that its business, focused exclusively on adult LGBTQ travelers in the travel sector, is clearly distinct from any youth-oriented scouting organization.

    “It’s difficult to see how a travel brand focused on LGBTQ travelers could be confused with a youth scouting organization,” Holdren said.

    From Brand Dispute to Industry Conversation

    As the case develops, it is increasingly being viewed within the LGBTQ travel space as more than a typical naming dispute.

    The word “scout” is widely used across industries, and Queer Scout’s branding is explicitly tied to LGBTQ identity and travel experiences for adults. For many in the industry, the case highlights a broader tension between trademark enforcement and the ability of emerging brands to express identity in a competitive and highly visible marketplace.

    The timing of the lawsuit is drawing scrutiny and raising legitimate questions about motivation. Recent reporting has highlighted political pressure on the Boy Scouts of America to roll back diversity, equity, and LGBTQ inclusion, fueling why the case is resonating so strongly across the community.

    For many operators and stakeholders, the case is emerging as a potential warning of how identity-based travel brands may be challenged as the sector continues to grow.

    A Resource Gap Facing Small Travel Brands

    Defending a federal case of this scale can cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, creating a significant barrier for small, independently owned travel companies.

    For Queer Scout, the challenge is not only legal, it is existential. The lawsuit seeks not only to block the use of the Queer Scout name, but also to recover profits earned to date, along with damages and attorneys’ fees, claims that could effectively shutter the business.

    “You spend years building something meaningful,” Holdren said. “As a solo entrepreneur, the cost and pressure of a single lawsuit can put everything you’ve built at risk before a case is ever decided.”

    The company is currently organizing its response to the lawsuit and working to secure the resources needed to navigate the process.

    Community Support Gains Momentum

    The response from the LGBTQ travel community has quickly become a defining element of the story.

    In addition to nearly 90 contributors and more than $15,000 raised, the campaign’s amplification by IGLTA and broader industry voices reflects growing engagement from across the sector. As additional organizations, media platforms, and community networks share the campaign, support is expected to continue building.

    “When legal pressure is brought against a visible LGBTQ-owned business, it rarely stops with one company,” Holdren added. “This kind of response doesn’t happen unless people see something bigger at stake, it speaks to whether LGBTQ businesses can operate openly, and what kind of future it creates for other LGBTQ entrepreneurs.”

    A Connected Presence Within LGBTQ Travel

    Queer Scout is part of the broader LGBTQ travel ecosystem and is affiliated with OUT in Colombia, a travel company recognized with the inaugural IGLTA Foundation Impact Award for its contributions to responsible tourism.

    The company is also a member of IGLTA, reflecting its connection to a global network of LGBTQ-inclusive travel businesses and destinations.

    About Queer Scout

    Queer Scout is an LGBTQ-focused travel brand offering curated experiences for adult travelers, with current operations centered in Medellín, Colombia. The company specializes in small-group and private experiences designed to foster connection, authenticity, and a sense of belonging for LGBTQ travelers.

    Supporting the Campaign
    https://www.gofundme.com/f/stand-with-queer-scout

  • ‘Take the Test, Risk Arrest’: Why Some HIV-Positive Americans Are Still Forced to Register as Sex Offenders

    For nearly 17 years, Lashanda Salinas-Hicks remained shackled to the reality of life on the sex registry: She was legally required to stay 300 feet away from schools, parks and playgrounds, and she was forced to report to the sheriff’s office four times a year or risk a felony charge.

    That’s because in 2006, Salinas-Hicks’ partner pressed charges against her after a break up, accusing her of having sex without disclosing that she was HIV-positive. Although she says her partner knew of her status before engaging in intercourse with her, that didn’t stop her from being jailed for about two months, put on a three-year probation and forced to register as a sex offender.

    “I was in a state of depression for 17 years because, if I went out, I had to constantly watch my back,” Salinas-Hicks told Uncloseted Media and GAY TIMES.

    Though not physically behind bars, the 44-year-old retreated from public life. While Tennessee law specifies that incidental or accidental contact with minors is not technically a crime, Salinas-Hicks says law enforcement told her from the start that she “can’t be around any kid” or she’d risk being thrown in jail.

    Out of fear, she listened to that directive. She no longer went to church services as children stood in the pews. She no longer shopped during the day, opting to get groceries early in the morning when she was less likely to be around children. She couldn’t even be around her family, whom she didn’t see for the extent of her time on the registry, save for her disabled sister for whom she cared.

    “It’s like ripping a Band-Aid off of a sore,” Salinas-Hicks says of her time on the sex offender registry.

    Despite the fact that Salinas-Hicks was and remains undetectable—meaning the amount of the virus in her blood was so low that it’s impossible to transmit through unprotected sex—she was resigned to nearly two decades of life on the sex offender registry.

    Salinas-Hicks is one of the more than 4,400 Americans who have been forced to register as a sex offender because of their HIV status, according to data aggregated by the Williams Institute. And today, 32 states still impose criminal penalties for HIV-positive people who fail to disclose their HIV status before sexual intercourse.

    As of this year, five states—Louisiana, South Dakota, Arkansas, Ohio and Washington—may require registration on a sex offense registry as part of the punishment for a conviction under HIV-specific laws.

    Despite the availability of HIV prevention drugs, such as pre-exposure prophylaxis, there’s still an effort to harden HIV criminalization laws in some parts of the U.S. In January 2025, New York Republicans introduced a bill to make the state’s current misdemeanor statute on HIV transmission more punitive, and Louisiana introduced a bill to make the “intentional infection of a sexually transmitted disease” a felony.

    “[The laws are] a relic of the past,” Jada Hicks, senior positive justice project attorney at the Center for HIV Law and Policy, told Uncloseted Media and GAY TIMES. “You could technically in some states be virally suppressed, incapable of sexually transmitting to another person and still be convicted for an HIV-related [offense].”

    Laws Written for a Different Era

    The U.S. was the first country in the world to instate HIV criminalization laws, with dozens of states implementing them during the height of the AIDS epidemic in 1987. Some states, including Florida and Louisiana, maintain a “civil commitment” provision, meaning an individual who has already served their prison sentence for HIV-related charges may be subject to involuntary commitment to mental health or medical facilities.

    These laws were implemented under the assumption that HIV is incurable and a death sentence. But advancements in medication, such as antiretroviral therapies, have rendered this legislation obsolete. In 2024, an estimated 57% of those living with HIV in the U.S. were undetectable.

    These laws may still be in place because of a knowledge gap. A 2019 Kaiser Family Foundation survey found the majority of Americans remain unaware of certain HIV preventative measures.

    “Not a lot of people understand HIV. They don’t understand the realities surrounding the roots and risks of transmission,” Hicks says. “I think a lot of people still think of HIV as a death sentence.” She says it’s this ignorance that is condemning innocent people to lengthy sentences and the confines of a life on the sex registry.

    “These sentences … are extremely and unduly harsh,” she says.

    Infection as Victimization

    In some cases, Hicks says people living with HIV don’t even need to engage in sexual intercourse to receive charges. In various states, an HIV-positive person can face criminal charges if they spit, vomit or bleed during an interaction with law enforcement.

    Even discussing sex can lead to criminal charges for those with HIV. In many places, prostitution is treated as a misdemeanor, but in states like Tennessee, someone with HIV can face a felony charge of aggravated prostitution. “Even having a conversation and agreeing to engage in sexual activity in exchange for money can be enough under some state laws to result in a conviction,” Hicks says.

    Jose Abrigo, HIV project director at Lambda Legal, says that these laws are frequently co-opted as a lever of power in abusive relationships.

    “What the data says is that HIV criminalization is used by abusers,” Abrigo told Uncloseted Media and GAY TIMES. “Their partner will say, ‘I’m going to go to the police and say that you had sex with me while having HIV.’”

    Racist, Homophobic and Transphobic Laws

    Abrigo says these statutes disproportionately target minority groups. “They’re also incredibly racist. … They’re also incredibly homophobic. They’re also incredibly transphobic.” Since the laws are predicated on enforcement, Abrigo says that trans and queer people of color—who are often the most policed and surveilled—encompass the brunt of individuals forced to enter the sex offender registry.

    According to the Williams Institute, Black Americans are most likely to be arrested and convicted for HIV-related allegations.

    “It’s a dual punishment,” Abrigo says.

    The Law Versus Public Health

    These laws may also be exacerbating the spread of the virus. Because most state statutes require an individual to have knowledge of their status as a prerequisite for prosecution, many people adopt a “the less I know, the better” mindset to shield themselves. Hicks says the slogan among some communities has become “take the test, risk arrest.”

    While HIV rates have plummeted in the U.S.—falling from a peak of about 130,000 annual cases during the mid-1980s to an estimated 32,000 in 2022—criminalization laws present a roadblock to further mitigation.

    And those efforts come during a tumultuous time for individuals living with HIV. Despite announcing goals to defeat the HIV epidemic in the U.S. in 2019, President Donald Trump has slashed federal funding for HIV research. And last year, he ended a 37-year tradition of recognizing World AIDS Day.

    “Under this administration, I actually think we’re going to see continued increase of carceral approaches, meaning I think that we’re going to see states trying to further criminalize based on health status,” Hicks says.

    Small Changes Come Too Late

    In some pockets of the U.S., there are changes taking place. In 2023, Tennessee overturned its statute requiring HIV-positive individuals to be listed on the sex offender registry. While the law still carries felony offenses for individuals who fail to disclose a positive HIV status to sexual partners, the reversal of the sex offender registry provision meant 154 Tennesseans—including Salinas-Hicks—would no longer be required to be listed.

    When Tennessee modernized the law, the first thing Salinas-Hicks did was visit her younger cousin, who was 2 when she first entered the registry.

    “I went to her and I hugged her and I told her, ‘I know you don’t know me, but I’m your cousin and I want to get to know you,’” she says.

    Salinas-Hicks played a pivotal role in overturning Tennessee’s law. She lobbied at the state Capitol starting in 2021, participating in demonstrations like the Day on the Hill, an event for community members to speak with lawmakers. She says she shared her story with senators as a way to “hit them in their heart” and educate them on how outdated laws are hurting people.

    “We’ve got to get up there to the Capitol and get in these people’s heads,” she says.

    Maryland and North Dakota also repealed their HIV criminalization laws last year.

    But overturning the sex registry provision to Tennessee’s HIV criminalization law was only half the battle. The underlying charges for criminal exposure to HIV in the state remain a felony. Salinas-Hicks says that advocates have pushed to reduce that charge to a misdemeanor, but the state government wasn’t open to that amendment. And so, advocates continue to push to reduce the charges associated with HIV exposure in Tennessee, as well as in 31 other states.

    For Salinas-Hicks, the fight is a matter of adjusting to the current reality of HIV, a disease that is no longer considered a death sentence, and which doesn’t define a person’s life. “Let’s fix the laws to match the science,” she says.

    Salinas-Hicks’ former partner did not respond to Uncloseted Media’s request for comment.

  • Connor Ives and MAC team up to re-release the iconic ‘Protect The Dolls’ t-shirt

    The ‘Protect The Dolls’ tee became an overnight fashion sensation, with A-listers from Pedro Pascal to Charli XCX proudly wearing the top. 

    Now, fashion designer Connor Ives and Mac Cosmetics have teamed up to re-release the beloved ‘Protect the Dolls’ shirt.

    Ives debuted the t-shirt as he took a bow at his Fall/Winter 2025 show at London Fashion Week. Due to high demand, the t-shirt was put on sale, with all proceeds going to Trans Lifeline, a peer support and crisis hotline supporting trans people in the United States and Canada.

    The new campaign re-established support for the ‘dolls’, the term an informal descriptor for trans women or transfeminine non-binary people.

    For MAC, four “trailblazing dolls” star in the campaign: Dominique Jackson, Josephine DuPont, Ivy Stewart and Green Kim.

    Mac will be releasing a limited-edition collection featuring an update of the designer’s iconic shirt and new VIVA GLAM MACximal Lipstick. The release states that sales “give back 100% to charities advancing trans equality and healthy futures for all.”

    Previously, the cosmetics brand collaborated with trans icon Kim Petras for a Viva Glam campaign. 

    ‘100% of proceeds go back to trans organisations’

    model Ivy Stewart holidng a 'protect the dolls' mac lipstick
    The new MAC Silky Matte VIVA GLAM x Conner Ives ‘Protect the Dolls’ Lipstick. (MAC)

    Speaking to Hypebae, Ives shared that the t-shirt was a very last-minute decision stemming from wanting to speak out during a time when trans rights are under attack.

    Ives said: “We went on to raise over $600,000 for Trans Lifeline — and here we are now with MAC VIVA GLAM. It’s an incredible next step for us.

    “I think it’s important that people know that 100% of proceeds go back to trans organisations. It’s a conversation starter, it’s very important to educate yourself.”

    MAC’s global creative director Nicola Formichetti also shared love for the ‘Protect the Dolls’ messaging.

    “I was a huge fan of what Conner was doing and with his “Protect the Dolls” initiative,” Formichetti also shared.

    “It genuinely touched me and spoke to me in a very personal way, and at the right time. So when I first joined MAC, I wanted my first collaboration to be something very special.

    “With VIVA GLAM, 100% of proceeds go to charity — and that’s what Conner was doing. I wanted to create a bigger stage for that [using] the power of VIVA GLAM, so that two powerhouses could come together and do something even bigger.”

    The MAC Silky Matte VIVA GLAM x Conner Ives ‘Protect the Dolls’ Lipstick and MAC VIVA GLAM x Conner Ives ‘Protect the Dolls’ Shirt will be available online in the UK and US on March 29th 2026 at 11am GMT and at select MAC locations across the UK.

  • ‘God made trans people’ billboards hit Kansas highways after state revokes transgender people’s IDs

    A new billboard campaign declaring “God Made Trans People” is rolling out across Kansas highways just weeks after the state took the extraordinary step of invalidating transgender residents’ driver’s licenses. That development has left many navigating daily life without a valid ID or with an identification that no longer reflects who they are.

    The four-week campaign, launched by Mayday Health, spans major corridors in Kansas City, Topeka, and Wichita. Organizers say seven billboards are expected to reach more than 1.2 million drivers over the next month.

    Support Independent Journalism

    For Liv Raisner, the organization’s executive director, the placement is intentional.

    “We wanted to put these billboards up on the roads because a lot of trans Kansans right now are driving with identification that doesn’t reflect who they are, and that can be really painful,” Raisner told The Advocate. “We want trans Kansans to know while they’re driving to work, to the grocery store, throughout their own state, we want them to see themselves reflected back.”

    The campaign arrives amid a comprehensive rollback of transgender rights in Kansas.

    In February, the state enacted a law requiring all state-issued identification to reflect sex assigned at birth, retroactively invalidating driver’s licenses and birth certificates that had been updated by transgender residents. The policy reversed years of legal recognition and forced affected individuals to obtain new documents that do not match their gender identity.

    The law builds on a 2023 statute redefining sex in state law and is part of a broader slate of measures targeting transgender people’s access to public life, including restrictions on bathroom use in government buildings. The measure creates a bounty system for people who suspect they may encounter a transgender person in a restroom that doesn’t correspond to their sex assigned at birth.

    Kansas, Raisner noted, is among the most religious states in the country, and many of the lawmakers advancing these policies cite faith in their arguments.

    “We’re not arguing with them about politics. We are meeting them on their own terrain,” Raisner said. “If you think God doesn’t make mistakes, that includes trans people.”

    Each billboard directs drivers to Mayday Health’s website, which provides information about accessing gender-affirming medical, mental health, and financial support, resources organizers say remain available even in states where care is increasingly restricted.

    The campaign is already resonating with some of the people it was designed to reach. Raisner said a transgender woman running for state office told them she saw one of the billboards during her morning commute and “it made her smile.”

    That response, Raisner said, highlights the campaign’s core purpose: visibility at a time when state policy is moving in the opposite direction.

    “I hope people are reminded that trans people exist,” Raisner said. “Legislators can pass laws that erase trans people from their documents, but they cannot erase trans people from Kansas.”

    The campaign also reflects Mayday Health’s broader strategy. Founded after the U.S. Supreme Court’sDobbs ruling that overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, the organization focuses on distributing information about health care that is restricted or banned in certain states, including abortion access and gender-affirming care.

    “When state governments target folks and violate their fundamental rights, we respond,” Raisner said.

  • Gay men couldn’t donate blood during the AIDS crisis. These lesbians stepped up & made history.

    Barbara Vick had long been a regular donor at the San Diego Blood Bank, but during a routine visit one day in 1983, she noticed something different. As she thumbed through the standard paperwork, Vick paused on a new memo informing donors that “men who have sex with men” were now banned from giving blood.

    A lesbian and member of the Women’s Caucus within the LGBTQ+ group, the San Diego Democratic Club, Vick was no stranger to the era’s escalating AIDS epidemic. The private nature of the San Diego Blood Bank allowed individuals and organizations to create blood funds that specific groups could draw from. AIDS patients frequently needed access to the limited blood supply, which Vick knew would only grow smaller now that even fewer people were allowed to donate. 



    Vick thought about a private blood fund run by one of her former employers and the many conversations she’s had with other club members about how to support people with AIDS. A new thought emerged: What if Vick and her peers organized their own blood drive and created a fund for folks with AIDS to ensure their continued access?

    “I went back to the group and said, ‘Hey, what do you think about a blood drive?’ Simple origins,” Vick told LGBTQ Nation. “We honestly thought if we could get 30 people to show up, it would be a success. We didn’t have grandiose plans, and we certainly weren’t thinking of making history.”

    Nevertheless, the organization that came to be known as The San Diego Blood Sisters is now embedded in American LGBTQ+ History through both its own work and the advocacy efforts it inspired across the country. Today, the Blood Sisters’ legacy underscores the enduring importance of intracommunity advocacy, especially in the most dire of times.

    A way you could give of yourself 

    Blood Sisters article
    | Provided by Barbara Vick

    By 1983, it was becoming impossible to ignore the heightened threat of AIDS. This new reality felt especially heavy for men in the LGBTQ+ community, who were helplessly witnessing peers fall ill and living with constant fear that they may be next. 

    Information about AIDS and its transmission was still limited, though it was generally understood that lesbians and other queer women were not among the most vulnerable groups. 

    The growing public perception of AIDS as a “gay disease” and the lack of federal funds to address the epidemic brought mounting fear to the community. Congress didn’t approve funding for AIDS research and treatment until July 1983 – despite the CDC releasing its first official report on the mysterious illness in 1981 – leaving queer men across the country with a growing sense of alienation and helplessness.

    “If straights had more brains, or were less bigoted against gays, they would see that, as with hepatitis B, gay men are again doing their suffering for them, revealing this disease to them,” wrote Larry Karmer for a March 1983 article in the New York Native. “They can use us as guinea pigs to discover the cure to AIDS before it hits them, which most medical authorities are still convinced will be happening shortly in increasing numbers.”

    At the time, 25 states still criminalized homosexuality, and it would take another year before researchers identified HIV as the cause of AIDS. It would also be two more years before antibody screening tests were licensed to detect infection. 

    In short, the community needed help. 

    Vick joined forces with fellow Democratic Club members Sue Biegeleisen and Nicolette Ibarra to organize the inaugural blood drive. She said it simply felt like the right thing to do. 

    She also noted that at the time, women were even more economically disadvantaged and largely didn’t have extra finances to contribute. “So, how can you help? I think a blood drive was very appealing on many different levels to women, because it was a way that you could give of yourself. There were a lot of people that probably were blood donors or were open to being a blood donor.”

    The founding members of the San Diego Blood Sisters started spreading the word. Vick nodded to the clever marketing materials, some designs playing off Rosie the Riveter and her flexed arm, and another reminiscent of the Superman logo.

    Vick planned the drive for a Saturday and assumed there would be no need for extra help. It took place at the San Diego Blood Bank on Upas Street in Hillcrest on July 16, 1983, and far exceeded Vick’s initial estimate of 30 donors. Nearly 200 women showed up and gave more than 130 donations.

    “The lesbians kind of took over the waiting room,” Vick said. “It was kind of the place to be that Saturday, because there were so many people there. There wasn’t enough seating for people, so you had people sitting on the arm of a chair with another person in the chair. People knew each other, and it was really a great time for the people that donated. We were just kind of blown away.”

    The power of our community 

    Blood Sisters article
    | Provided by Barbara Vick 

    The drive later gained national attention, with key LGBTQ+ groups like the National Gay Task Force (now the National LGBTQ Task Force) praising the Blood Sisters’ efforts. Queer women across the country saw the outpouring of support in San Diego and sought to organize blood drives in their own communities. In turn, the Blood Sisters put together a “how-to” guide for others. 

    “It was amazing, successful, and very inspiring,” Vick said. She noted the drive’s lasting impact in subsequent years and its role in unifying the community. All the while, the Blood Sisters admired other innovative ideas to cover potential gaps, like a service to care for pets of people lost to AIDS and others centering on food delivery or additional patient care needs.

    “Stuff like that really moved me; I would see it and think, ‘Oh, wow, what a wonderful idea,’” Vick said. “I’m not saying that that was lesbian driven; I’m just saying that there just was a great outpouring of support within the community. It was an example of the power of our community and how we rally around each other.”

    Looking back on that time, Vick feels a mix of complex emotions: the power of showing up for one another, the joy of shared LGBTQ+ community during a time of strife, and the surreal brutality of unrelenting grief.

    “There are many memories and representations of that time and many, many, many losses,” Vick said. “It’s really hard to describe… This wiped out almost a generation of healthy young, vibrant men.”

    The Blood Sisters and others helped bridge the gap in those initial years, aiding community members overwhelmed by unknowns and compounded by a slow response from those best equipped to help. 

    The group hosted 12 total drives between 1983 and 1992 before the organization was ultimately dissolved in 1993. Eventually, research and administrative efforts amped up. Through the ‘80s and ‘90s, our collective knowledge of HIV and AIDS expanded rapidly, but it wasn’t until 1996 that the number of Americans dying from AIDS each year began to decline. 

    In retrospect, the Blood Sisters’ actions underscore the political prejudice and inaction of those early days. The persisting impact lies in their courage and compassion during a time of crisis. 

    Blood is a life force

    Blood Sister pin
    | Provided by Barbara Vick

    As LGBTQ+ folks face a slew of new challenges today, Vick still finds solace in community. She’s currently part of a gay feminist chorus, composed of both queer women and allies. That feeling of belonging to something, that sense of unconditional community support, is just as important today as it was back then, she said.

    As bad as things were under the Reagan Administration in the early days of the AIDS epidemic, Vick said, “it’s mild compared to the insanity of today.”

    Vick still resides in San Diego, where she’s frequently reminded of the prevailing impact of the group she co-founded all those years ago. She’s one of numerous Blood Sisters still in the city.

    She often ponders why the Blood Sisters are remembered to this extent, when there were so many others who may have provided even more support at the time. It was just an idea, one that “transcends us and kind of has a place in history,” she said.

    Blood is a life force, and the act of sharing it to support one another reflects the lengths to which we will go for our own community, Vick said. Our ability to continue showing up for each other, embracing pride and community in times of both triumph and struggle, reflects the magic of LGBTQ+ people – and a grit that is crucial as we navigate yet another trying time. 

    “I can validate that things have never been as bad in my lifetime as the political climate today, but I don’t buy that it’s going to last,” Vick said. “It’s a really hard time that we’re living through – and all the more reason to be there for one another right now.”

  • Kentucky to pass bill that would declare trans people mentally ill

    Kentucky is on track to pass a new bill that would declare transgender people mentally ill and ban trans teachers from working.

    State senator Gex Williams proposed the amendment to House Bill 759, which relates to teacher certification.

    The amendment itself does not mention trans people specifically, but would forbid the certification of teachers who have been diagnosed with or treated for any “disorder that is excluded from the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990”.

    The ADA sets out a list of “disorders” that are not protected by law, including “gender identity disorders”. Other listed disorders include transexualism, pedophilia, kleptomania, compulsive gambling and voyeurism, amongst others.

    Speaking to the Herald-Leader on 9 March, Williams said: “Those who continue to promote such transitions and gender confusion or are themselves confused should not have teaching certificates giving them the privilege of having care, custody and control of Kentucky’s most valuable asset, our children.”

    The amendment will also require doctors licensed in Kentucky to “diagnose the disorders [excluded from the ADA] based on the disorder definitions in the DSM III”.

    This means doctors will need to utilise outdated terms like “transexualism” and “gender identity disorder” instead of gender dysphoria and reclassify being trans as a mental illness for the first time since 2013.

    Following a session on 28 March, Senate Republican leadership put the bill on the consent orders for 31 March, which is a fast-tracked process meant for “uncontroversial bills”, Transitics reported.

    This fast track means that the bill will be voted on without being debated beforehand. It will be passed as default if no other Senators oppose Williams’ amendments.

  • Man sentenced after defrauding gay men on dating apps for over £28,000

    A man who coerced gay men on dating apps and defrauded them for a total of £28,488 has been sentenced to three years in prison.

    Between July 2022 and November 2024, 26-year-old Thomas Godden was found to have tricked three men into thinking they were in romantic relationships with him.

    He then exploited them to send him money for what they thought were day-to-day costs, travel expenses and more, and ensured them that he would repay them. One of the men he victimised sent him more than £26,000.

    An investigation carried out by the City of London Police found that Godden used Tinder and Bumble to target his victims, presenting himself as a gay man looking to get into a serious relationship.

    Unbeknownst to his victims, Godden is heterosexual and was already in a relationship at the time.

    Detective Constable Melissa Morgan, who works on the Fraud Operations team for the City of London Police, said of the case: “Godden deliberately targeted men who were seeking companionship and a genuine emotional connection. He abused their trust, manipulated their vulnerabilities and caused significant financial and emotional harm.”

    She continued: “This was a calculated pattern of offending, not a misunderstanding or a civil dispute, but a clear case of fraud by false representation.”

    When the victims challenged Godden about repaying the money, he became “hostile, made excuses, or threatened to cut off contact”, according to a statement from the City of London Police. In some instances, he “used emotional blackmail, including threats of self-harm, to maintain control and continue receiving funds”.

    The investigation also found that Godden used the dating apps solely to procure money, and that his internet search history included questions like: ‘Can you go to jail for romance scamming?’ and ‘Can you go to the police if someone owes you money?’

    Godden pleaded guilty to three charges of fraud by false representation in December 2025 and was sentenced to three years in prison on 17 February 2026 at Canterbury Crown Court.

    A spokesperson for Bumble said: “We are deeply concerned about anyone taking advantage of our community, and are saddened to hear of these experiences. The safety of our members is our top priority and fraudulent activity is not tolerated on Bumble.”

  • New US immigration rule could see trans people’s visas revoked for ‘misrepresentation’

    Trans immigrants in the US could find themselves barred due to a new rule coming into play on April 10.

    The rule would mean immigration officers could revoke the visas of those with green cards or who are applying if they do not share their “biological sex at birth”.

    According to an update to the Federal Register, the amendments to the Diversity Immigrant Visa Program, is an attempt to “improve the integrity of, and combat fraud in, the program”.

    When the new rule comes into force, applicants will be made to provide passport documentation and upload a scan of the biographic and signature page.

    The word “gender” has been replaced with “sex”, with applicants made to state their “biological sex at birth” regardless of whether it differs from current documentation they may hold.

    As per GCN, the new rule comes after an executive order from the Trump administration, as part of the “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” order.

    It states: “The term ‘sex’ shall refer to an individual’s sex at birth. Only male and female sex options are available for entrants completing the Diversity Visa entry form.

    “The marker reflected in the ‘sex’ field on any visa application, including the entry form, should match the applicant’s biological sex at birth, even if that differs from the sex listed on the applicant’s foreign passport or other identifying documentation.”

    It’s feared that if a trans applicant does not provide their “biological sex at birth” on the forms, they’ll have their visas revoked as it may be deemed fraudelent.

    Worryingly, the same can be said for immigrants already living in the US, who could face deportation.

  • Kind strangers raise $90k for trans man’s college tuition after parents cut him off

    Hundreds of kind strangers have helped raise $90,000 so an MIT student could complete his college education after his parents cut him off for being trans.

    Matthew N, a student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, lost his student housing when his parents financially cut him off when he came out as transgender.

    GoFundMe for Matthew, which was set up by his friend and fellow MIT student Irene Dong, has surpassed the target of $81,100, meaning he will be able to graduate. One anonymous supporter even donated $10,000.

    “Matthew’s parents cut off their financial support after discovering he is transgender,” Dong wrote in the fundraiser’s description. “Since then, he has worked multiple jobs, maxed out on loans, and exhausted every option to stay afloat. Our goal is to raise money to fund his senior year’s tuition and housing, to allow him to graduate this spring.”

    When the fundraiser was set up, Matthew was just weeks away from graduating but being evicted from his student housing meant that he would have been forced to leave MIT before completing his degree in physics.

    MIT’s policy around financial aid being dependent on students’ parents’ financial status meant that Matthew wouldn’t have qualified for assistance, the fundraiser states.

    “Despite submitting statements from therapists, psychiatrists, and an organization supporting LGBTQ+ students without parental support (the Wily Network), his appeals for independent financial status have been repeatedly denied,” it continues. “Now, as he approaches the finish line of his MIT education, Matthew has run out of options.”

    Matthew hopes to pursue a career in astrophysics after graduation.

    “I have known Matthew for three years, and I can personally say that he is one of the kindest, most generous, and most amazing people I’ve ever met in my entire life,” Dong continued.

    “I have watched him struggle for years against his family and with MIT Student Financial Services – towering forces that do not care for his health or his future, but nonetheless wield an immense degree of control over his life.”

    Following the incredible response to the fundraiser, Matthew himself left an update expressing his gratitude to all who supported his cause.

    “Thank you so much to everyone who has donated,” he wrote. “I’m amazed at how many people have come together to support me! I was forced to move out of my dorm this morning, but I am safe and have a place to stay temporarily. I’m in the process of late registering for the fall and the spring, and I am still keeping up with my classes. It looks like I am on track to graduate this May.”

    He continued by confirming that any additional donations will be put towards helping him pay off his existing loans.

    “I am in awe of the immense kindness and generosity of everyone who donated, reached out, and helped to spread my story,” he continued. “From the bottom of my heart, thank you so much. I am incredibly excited to graduate!”