Category: Features

  • Mayor Mamdani appoints trans woman to run first-ever NYC Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs

    New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is set to sign an executive order today at the Brooklyn Community Pride Center in Crown Heights that will officially establish the first-ever Mayor’s Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs. Mamdani will also appoint attorney Taylor Brown as the office’s inaugural director, making her the first transgender person in history to lead a New York City office or agency.

    Mamdani wrote in a statement shared with Out and The Advocate, “New York City is proud of its LGBTQIA+ community and will refuse to deny healthcare, safety, or dignity to anyone on the basis of their identity. With Taylor Brown as Director of the new Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs, the city’s queer community will not only be celebrated, but protected at every turn.”

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    “New York has given me everything — life-saving health care, education, a home, a career, my chosen family, and a life of purpose. I am so proud to serve this city as the inaugural Director of the Mayor’s Office for LGBTQIA+ Affairs,” Brown said in a statement. “I will work every day to ensure that the doors of New York City remain open to all and to continue New York City’s legacy as a beacon of opportunity and hope for those who have been ignored, discriminated against, and intentionally excluded.”

    “I look forward to working across agencies to ensure that we are protecting the LGBTQIA+ community from hostile actors that do not share New York City’s values,” Brown added. “Thank you to Mayor Mamdani, Deputy Mayor Su, and Commissioner Attah-Mensah, whom I look forward to working alongside, for this extraordinary opportunity to serve the people of New York.”

    Who is Taylor Brown?

    Brown’s career has centered on the advancement of constitutional and statutory civil rights protections for transgender people across the country, with a particular focus on health care equity and access, prisoner rights, education, and employment.

    Prior to this new role, Brown served as an assistant attorney general in the Civil Rights Bureau of the New York State Attorney General’s Office.

    What will the New York City Mayor’s Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs do?

    The Mayor’s Office of LGBTQIA+ Affairs has been designed as a centralizing force in municipal government to oversee and coordinate resources and initiatives concerning LGBTQIA+ New Yorkers.

    The office will also be tasked with enforcing equality guidelines, helping ensure that discrimination based on gender, gender identity, or sexual orientation does not occur in other city agencies.

    The office will also develop and strengthen resources to uphold the city’s sanctuary protections for LGBTQIA+ individuals. This particular commitment carries even more weight as President Donald Trump continues to wage a coordinated campaign against the LGBTQ+ community, which has led to theerasure of transgender references from the official Stonewall National Monument website in 2025 and the removal of the LGBTQ+ Pride flag from the Stonewall National Monument in 2026.

    In addition, the new office will absorb the NYC Unity Project — the existing city initiative that coordinates services for LGBTQ+ New Yorkers — and is committed to expanding it.

    Why is this move from Mayor Mamdani significant?

    The historic move not only marks an institutional shift for the city but also highlights Mamdani’s commitment to the LGBTQ+ community. This draws a stark contrast with other Democrats at a time when the Democratic Party is being urged to “do more” for queer people.

    In recent months, California Gov. Gavin Newsom has also come under fire —repeatedly — for comments about transgender athletes and the usage of pronouns, arguing that the Democratic Party should be more “culturally normal” during an interview with CNN.

  • “Terrifying”: GOP unleashes wave of anti-trans bills nationwide. Here’s what they’re planning…

    Nearly a dozen bills targeting transgender rights have been introduced or passed in state legislatures across the U.S. in the first week of March.

    In seven states, Republican lawmakers are pushing legislation to ban trans residents from using bathrooms that align with their gender identity, ban trans women and girls from participating in women’s and girls’ sports, and even ban trans people from teaching.



    Missouri could ban trans people from public facilities of all sorts

    As Erin in the Morning reports, March 2 saw the Missouri state House of Representatives’ Emerging Issues committee hear three anti-trans bathroom bills.

    H.B. 2536 would not only require “correctional centers, juvenile detention facilities, public buildings, public elementary and high schools, shelters for victims of domestic violence, and state institutions of higher education” to ban trans people from using single-sex facilities that do not correspond with their sex assigned at birth, it also amends existing statutory definitions of “female,” “male,” and “sex” based on an individuals reproductive system.

    Similarly, H.B. 2075 would require all multi-occupancy restrooms, locker rooms, changing rooms, and shower rooms in public buildings, schools, and institutions of higher education to be sex-segregated and accessible only to people whose sex assigned at birth corresponds to the sex designated for those spaces.

    H.B. 1893, meanwhile, would allow private schools to ban trans students from using multi-occupancy bathrooms and changing rooms that do not align with the sex they were assigned at birth. As Erin in the Morning notes, H.B. 1893 contains an emergency clause that would trigger its immediate implementation if it were passed.

    The Emerging Issues committee is expected to vote on the three bills today.

    Trans journalist S. Baum wrote that the bills would continue “a terrifying daily reality for transgender people in the state.”

    Kentucky could ban transgender people from teaching

    Kentucky’s S.B. 351, introduced by state Sen. Gex Williams (R) on March 2, would essentially ban transgender people from teaching in the state. 

    The proposed law would prohibit the state’s Education Professional Standards Board from issuing or renewing teaching licenses for “individuals who have been treated for or diagnosed with a disorder that is excluded from the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990.” 

    As Queer Kentucky notes, “transvestism,” “transsexualism,” and “gender identity disorders” were among a list of “conditions” excluded from the ADA’s definition of “disability” when it was passed over two and a half decades ago. S.B. 351 would require state medical licensing boards to diagnose those “disorders” based on definitions established in the 1987 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Third Edition, Revised), which experts, including the Kentucky Psychological Association say are outdated. 

    The bill would require teachers to swear under penalty of perjury that they have never been treated for or diagnosed with any of the “disorders” and would allow anyone in the state to trigger an investigation, which would include a medical examination, into an educator they think “exhibits easily identifiable behavioral signs or symptoms characteristic to a listed disorder.”

    On March 3, state Rep. Bill Wesley (R) introduced H.B. 867, which would ban trans and nonbinary people from using multi-occupancy bathrooms and locker rooms that are not designated for the sex they were assigned at birth in any building owned by state or local governments in Kentucky.

    Florida could ban LGBTQ+ and Black public observance events

    If signed into law by Florida’s anti-LGBTQ+ Gov. Ron DeSantis (R), S.B. 1134 would ban local governments from using taxpayer dollars to fund or promote diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts. The bill, approved by the state Senate on March 4, defines DEI as any effort to “promote or adopt training, programming or activities designed or implemented with reference to race, color, sex, ethnicity, gender identity or sexual orientation.” 

    Critics say it is aimed squarely at defunding local Pride and Black History Month celebrations.

    West Virginia‘s bill would fine and imprison drag and transgender stage performers

    In West Virginia, the state Senate sent two pieces of anti-trans legislation to the House for consideration on March 4. 

    S.B. 590 would make it a misdemeanor offense to “engage in an adult cabaret performance on public property or where it may be viewed by a minor.” The bill defines such performances as including “male or female impersonators who provide entertainment that appeals to the prurient interest.” 

    Critics, including state Sen. Joey Garcia (D), say the bill is so vaguely worded that it could potentially criminalize drag performance and any show in which an actor performs a role that does not align with the sex they were assigned at birth. It would also likely jeopardize transgender performers’ ability to perform in public. Penalties under S.B. 590 would include fines up to $25,000 and 1–5 years in prison for second-time violations.

    S.B. 1083, meanwhile, makes it a misdemeanor offense for anyone in West Virginia to undress in public changing areas that are not designated for the sex they were assigned at birth, whether in schools, public or private recreation centers, or health clubs.

    Iowa GOP seeks to end LGBTQ+ anti-discrimination ordinances

    After striking protections for trans people from the Iowa Civil Rights Act last year, Republicans in the state’s House of Delegates passed a bill on March 5 aimed at preventing local governments from adding such protections to their own non-discrimination policies. 

    As The Advocate reports, Senate File 579 prohibits cities and local governments from enacting “any ordinance or other law which is broader or has different categories of unfair or discriminatory practices” than those outlined in the state civil rights law.  

    New Hampshire considers jailing trans bathroom users

    Undeterred by Republican Gov. Kelly Ayotte’s veto of a previous anti-trans bathroom ban in February, GOP lawmakers in New Hampshire are sending two similar bill to her desk.

    On March 4, the state House of Representatives passed H.B. 1442-FN, which Erin in the Morning describes as an even more aggressive bathroom bill than the one Ayotte vetoed. The bill defines “sex” and “biological sex” as binary (male and female only) and based on an individual’s chromosomes. It requires “all multi-user facilities, including bathrooms, restrooms, and locker rooms located in buildings owned, leased, or operated by any municipality” to be sex-segregated based on this definition of sex, and allows private businesses to do the same. 

    It also makes it a violation of the state’s civil rights act for trans people to “assert that their gender identity” gives them the right to access a sex-segregated space that does not align with the sex they were assigned at birth, resulting in fines up to $5,000 and potential prison time.

    Trans journalist Erin Reed called the bill one of the “most extreme bathroom bans moving through any state legislature in the country.”

    The New Hampshire House also passed a separate bill, which is nearly identical to the one Ayotte vetoed last month. Like S.B. 268, H.B. 1217 carves out exceptions to the state’s 2018 anti-discrimination law, making it legal to ban trans people from restrooms, locker rooms, prisons, detention centers, and non-voluntary treatment centers that match their gender identity and to ban trans women and girls from women’s and girls’ sports.

    U.S. House GOP bill would start a flood of anti-trans sports lawsuits

    At the federal level, U.S. Rep. John McGuire (R-VA) introduced the “Riley Gaines Act” on March 2. As The Advocate reports, the bill would allow cisgender female athletes to bring federal lawsuits against institutions of higher education and athletic associations that allow trans women and girls to participate in women’s and girls’ sports. 

    Cisgender women who are physically injured by a trans woman during an athletic competition would be able to sue for damages, “including the value of the loss of a scholarship or professional opportunity.” 

    The bill is named for anti-trans activist Riley Gaines, who rose to national prominence after she tied for fifth place with trans swimmer Lia Thomas during the 2022 NCAA Women’s Swimming and Diving Championships.

  • New Hampshire House advances transgender bathroom bill, breaking with New England

    In most of New England, the question of whether transgender people may use bathrooms consistent with their gender identity has largely been settled. In New Hampshirelawmakers are reopening it.

    The Republican-controlled New Hampshire House voted 181–164 on Wednesday evening to pass House Bill 1442, legislation that would allow schools, government buildings, and some businesses to restrict bathrooms and locker rooms based on sex assigned at birth rather than gender identity. The bill now heads to the state Senate.

    If enacted, the measure would place New Hampshire further out of step with the rest of the Northeast, where protections for trans residents in public accommodations remain broadly intact.

    House Bill 1442 would require bathrooms and locker rooms in public schools and municipally owned buildings to be designated for male or female use based on sex. The bill also allows businesses and other places of public accommodation to require that multi-user restrooms be used according to what the legislation defines as a person’s “biological sex.”

    The proposal goes further than many similar measures elsewhere by creating a new legal mechanism tied to restroom use. Under the bill, entering an area designated for females while classified as male under the statute could be considered “willful trespass.”

    The legislation also establishes a statutory definition of sex that centers on biological characteristics such as chromosomes and reproductive anatomy, stating that a person’s gender identity does not determine access to spaces designated for males or females.

    Supporters argue the legislation protects privacy in intimate spaces. Opponents say it singles out transgender people for exclusion and undermines civil rights protections that the state adopted less than a decade ago.

    The vote follows several years of legislative attempts to pass similar restrictions, which repeatedly ran into gubernatorial vetoes.

    Weeks ago, Gov. Kelly Ayotte, a Republican, vetoed a comparable proposal that would have allowed transgender people to be excluded from bathrooms, locker rooms, jails, and other gender-segregated spaces. It was the third time in as many years that a New Hampshire governor rejected similar legislation.

    Ayotte said the earlier proposal was overly broad and risked creating an exclusionary environment.

    Her predecessor, Chris Sununu, who is also a Republican, vetoed a similar measure in 2024, writing that lawmakers were attempting to address problems “that have not presented themselves.”

    Yet the issue has returned to the legislature year after year.

    Advocates say the persistence reflects a broader campaign targeting transgender rights in the state. According to the advocacy group 603 Equality, several bills introduced during the current legislative session attempt to regulate public facilities based on what lawmakers describe as “biological sex,” part of a wider slate of proposals affecting bathrooms, sports participation, and identification documents.

    The group says House Bill 1442 is among the most “sweeping and cruel” of those proposals.

    In 2018, New Hampshire added gender identity to its nondiscrimination law, becoming the final state in New England to extend those protections. At the time, the move appeared to complete a regional consensus on LGBTQ+ equality.

    In recent years, however, that consensus has begun to fracture.

    In 2025, Ayotte signed legislation banning gender-affirming medical care such as puberty blockers and hormone therapy for transgender minors, making New Hampshire the first state in New England to enact such a restriction.

    Neighboring states, including MassachusettsVermontRhode Island, and Connecticut, maintain broad protections for transgender residents across public accommodations and health care.

    Even Maine, which, like New Hampshire, has long been politically competitive and regularly elects Republicans to statewide office, has not enacted comparable restrictions on transgender rights. Instead, Maine has become the focus of a separate political fight: a proposed ballot measure backed by national conservative donors that would bar transgender girls from school sports and require schools to separate bathrooms and locker rooms based on sex assigned at birth.

    Advocates say such policies place transgender people in untenable situations, forcing them to choose between using facilities inconsistent with their gender identity or risking confrontation.

  • This trans teacher has no choice but to leave Florida: ‘I can’t defend myself’

    Every afternoon, when Saoirse Stone gets home from her job as a teacher in Florida, she performs a small ritual.

    She changes out of the clothes she wore to school. She sets aside the bag that holds her lesson plans. She places everything she will need for the next day near the door, then tries to stop thinking about the classroom. It is, she says, the only way to keep herself intact.

    “You have to have a clear division,” Stone, who is transgender, told The Advocatein an interview. “I change clothes immediately. I set my work stuff down. And then I don’t touch it. I don’t look at it. I don’t think about it.” For the rest of the evening, she tries to inhabit the life that feels real — the one she shares with her wife, Dani, in Orlando. The one where she reads books, plays tabletop games with friends, and occasionally loses herself in the sprawling universe of X-Men comics.

    But the next morning, the other version of her life begins again.

    Saoirse Stone and her wife are leaving Florida and moving to Maryland because of the hostile climate for transgender people in the state.Saoirse Stone

    Stone is a high school English teacher in Orlando. She teaches 11th-grade English, AP Seminar, AP Research, and Cambridge General Paper, an advanced writing and critical thinking course in the Cambridge Advanced International Certificate of Education program, a college prep curriculum developed by the University of Cambridge and widely offered in Florida public schools.

    She also coaches the school’s eSports team.

    “I love teaching,” she said. “There is something really wonderful about helping students realize literature and language are powerful things.” For years, she believed that staying in the classroom, even under difficult circumstances, mattered.

    Her hope, she said, was that simply existing as herself in front of students might mean something to teenagers quietly trying to understand their own lives. “My hope was just the fact that I’m there,” she said. “Even if I can’t say everything I want to say, even if I can’t do everything I want to do, I’m here, I’m alive, I’m happy.”

    Now she is preparing to leave.

    Stone, who is 32, says she began transitioning in 2022. At the time, she planned to come out publicly at work the following spring.

    Then the political climate in Florida shifted dramatically.

    In 2022, Gov. Ron DeSantis signed the Parental Rights in Education law, widely known by critics as the “don’t say gay” law. Initially, it restricted classroom instruction on sexual orientation and gender identity in early grades. Subsequent rules expanded the restrictions across grade levels unless the material is considered age-appropriate or part of state standards.

    Another Florida statute governs the use of pronouns and personal titles in public schools. The law states that sex is “an immutable biological trait” and says it is “false to ascribe to a person a pronoun that does not correspond to such person’s sex.” It also says that a public school employee “may not provide to a student his or her preferred personal title or pronouns” if they do not correspond with that person’s sex assigned at birth.

    Saoirse Stone says that she she gets home she sheds her daytime persona and becomes a whole person until she returns to work the next day.Saoirse Stone

    For Stone, the legal language translates into something far more personal. Before she became a teacher, Stone studied the law. She attended law school in Virginia and completed her degree, but she never pursued a career as an attorney. Instead, she found herself drawn to education, first through tutoring and academic support work, and eventually through the classroom.

    Teaching, she said, offered something the legal profession did not.

    “In law school, a lot of what you’re doing is theoretical,” she said. “Teaching is immediate. You can see the effect of what you do right in front of you.”

    After graduating, she returned to Florida, where she had grown up, and entered the profession she now says she still loves despite everything that has changed around it.

    Now, though, the laws she once studied as a student have become the rules governing her daily life in the classroom.

    She says she cannot discuss being transgender with her students. She cannot provide pronouns that match her gender identity. And when students refer to her incorrectly, whether accidentally or deliberately, she says she must let it pass.

    “I cannot provide pronouns other than the ones that correspond with the gender I was assigned at birth,” she said. “If I do that, I could have my teaching certificate revoked.”

    Some of the misgendering is accidental.

    Sometimes, she says, it isn’t. “Sometimes kids get wise [and figure out that I’m trans] and they do it intentionally,” she said. “And there is nothing that can be done.” Sometimes the moment is as small as a word or a laugh.

    But Stone cannot respond. “I can’t even speak up for myself,” she said. “I can’t defend myself.”

    The compromise she arrived at was linguistic. If she could not use “Ms.” and would not use “Mr.,” she would use neither. Because of her coaching gig, she figured out an alternative. “What they can’t do under the law as they’ve created it is mandate that I describe myself as ‘mister,’” she said. “So I refuse. I became a coach.”

    The solution works — mostly.

    Stone says that her school serves a large Hispanic student population, where students often default to calling teachers Mr. or Miss. When it happens, she gently reminds them of her preference to be called coach. But the boundaries of what she can say are always present.

    “I’m constantly having to self-police everything I say,” she said. “Is this going to be the thing that gets me on Fox News and gets my teaching certificate revoked?”

    Stone said what frightens her most is not simply the possibility of discipline, but the sense that she might have little protection if it were to happen. “If I do something that somebody decides violates the law, I don’t believe I’ll get due process,” she said. In the current political environment, she added, she believes officials who would ultimately judge her case are already predisposed against people like her.

    “There is so much hostility toward trans people from the conservatives who are in power right now,” she said. “I don’t think I’d be treated fairly.” The constraints she describes come at a time when Florida is struggling to staff classrooms. The irony is that Florida schools need teachers like her.

    A recent Florida Department of Education report identifying high-demand teaching areas shows that thousands of English courses statewide are taught by instructors who are not certified in the subject. English remains one of several fields where districts struggle to staff classrooms with qualified teachers.

    Stone is exactly the kind of teacher the state says it needs: experienced, credentialed, and teaching multiple advanced courses. 

    Orange County Public Schools said the restrictions Stone describes stem from state law rather than district decisions.

    Michael Ollendorff, administrator of media relations for the district, said questions about the policies should be directed to the Florida Department of Education because the concerns are “directly connected to state law, not district policy.”

    “The Orange County School District is required, as a matter of state law, to follow all state laws and State Board of Education rules,” Ollendorff said.

    At the same time, the district’s official school board observance calendar still includes several LGBTQ-related commemorations. The 2025–26 list designates October as LGBTQ+ Awareness and History Month, June as Pride Month, and June 12 as Pulse Remembrance Day, honoring the victims of the 2016 nightclub shooting in Orlando.

    The Florida Department of Education did not respond to The Advocate’s request for comment. A request for comment sent to Gov. Ron DeSantis’s office also went unanswered.

    For Stone, the pressure has not been only emotional. It has also been financial. Orlando’s housing market has surged in recent years. Rent and utilities now consume more than half of her monthly income, she said. “For the past six months,” she said, “probably 60 percent of my diet has been cheap rice, whatever vegetables are on sale, and as a treat, discount Spam.”

    Her wife, who works in health care, struggled to find stable work for a time. They’ve started a GoFundMe page to help defray some of the moving costs they anticipate having. The couple began to consider leaving Florida for Maryland as the most plausible destination.

    Her wife has family there. Since Stone attended law school in nearby Virginia, she still has friends across the Mid-Atlantic. Maryland, under Democratic Gov. Wes Moore, also has statewide nondiscrimination protections covering gender identity.

    But leaving Florida feels like an amputation, she said. Stone was born in the state. She grew up in Lake Wales. “This is my home,” she said. “All but three years of my life have been spent in this state.”

    Her plan is to move this summer when the school year ends and the couple’s lease expires. She hopes to continue teaching. 

    She knows that starting over will not be easy, but she said that anything is better than the idea of continuing to be forced into the closet after having already come out. “I have done my absolute best to build something for myself here,” she said. “Respect. Credibility.” For now, she continues to teach in the classroom she plans to leave.

    Each morning, she walks in knowing that the stripped-down version of the self-described “butch dyke” people get to see on most days is only part of the truth.

    Each afternoon, she goes home and tries to become whole again.

  • Paxton Moves To Sue School Over “Bathroom Violation”

    The Texas Tribune reports:

    Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton’s office announced Friday it has notified Austin ISD of a citizen complaint via a state tip line alleging a violation of Senate Bill 8, also known as the Women’s Privacy Act or the “bathroom bill.” In his statement, Paxton said Austin ISD and Austin High School were aware that a student used a restroom that was not consistent with their sex at birth. The state policy, which went into effect in December, limits transgender people’s use of public bathrooms in government buildings.

    The announcement comes after conservative group Texas Values put out a statement Feb. 17 linking to a complaint filed to the state by the parent of an Austin High School student. Austin ISD was advised it will incur a $5,000 penalty per day that the violation continues, Paxton’s office said. The amount differs from penalties outlined in SB 8, which state a $25,000 fee for a first time violation and $125,000 for subsequent violations. The notice was sent as a statutory prerequisite for Paxton’s office to file a lawsuit.

    Read the full article. Texas Values is headed by longtime anti-LGBTQ activist whose wife left him for a woman.

  • Trump just rolled out a cruel anti-trans prison policy doctors are calling ‘dangerous’

    The Trump administration has ordered federal prisons to begin tapering hormone therapy for incarcerated transgender people. Physicians say that it could inflict immediate psychological distress and long-term medical harm on a vulnerable population.

    The guidance, issued February 19 by the Federal Bureau of Prisons, outlines how the federal prison system will treat incarcerated people diagnosed with gender dysphoria. It bars the agency from initiating hormone therapy for inmates who were not already receiving it and instructs clinicians to develop tapering plans that could ultimately discontinue treatment for prisoners who currently rely on hormones as part of their medical care.

    To physicians who treat transgender patients, the directive reads less like clinical guidance than a political decision overriding established medical practice.

    “From a medical point of view, this is alarming because it’s essentially saying that a form of evidence-based care will no longer be provided to people under the purview of the Bureau of Prisons,” Dr. Carl Streed, a Boston primary care physician and one of the country’s leading researchers on transgender health, told The Advocate in an interview. “That means the policy runs counter to best practices and arguably probably the law in terms of providing care to inmates because it’s setting up a different standard for them versus the standard out in the community.”

    The policy follows a January 2025 executive order from President Donald Trumpbarring federal funds from being used for medical treatments intended to align a person’s physical characteristics with a gender identity different from their sex assigned at birth.

    But hormone therapy is not cosmetic medicine, clinicians say. It is a core treatment for gender dysphoria, widely recognized by major medical organizations and incorporated into clinical standards of care.

    Removing it can have immediate, destabilizing effects. “People are going to have changes in cognition. They’re going to experience mood changes. They’re going to see brain fog issues, difficulty concentrating,” Streed said.

    Such symptoms can arise quickly when hormone levels suddenly drop, because those hormones help regulate mood, cognition, metabolism, and cardiovascular health. Over time, the consequences may become more serious.

    “We’re going to see an increase in the risk of cardiovascular disease events,” Streed said, as well as bone metabolism problems and metabolic illnesses such as diabetes if hormone therapy is withdrawn. The danger may be especially acute for incarcerated people who have undergone gender-confirmation surgeries affecting the body’s ability to produce hormones naturally.

    RelatedMarjorie Taylor Greene’s bill criminalizing gender-affirming care for minors passes with Democrats’ support

    RelatedUtah Republicans ignore study supporting gender-affirming care for trans youth. It’s research they demanded

    RelatedJudge rules against gender-affirming care for transgender prisoners

    “They no longer produce adequate endogenous hormones to a level that would be good for their health if we were to take away their exogenous hormones,” Streed said. “Now we’re going to take away hormone therapy for them — they are put at much greater risk than anybody else.”

    For clinicians inside federal prisons, the policy also presents an ethical dilemma.

    “This definitely poses a challenge for clinicians because it’s taking away one of their treatment options for folks,” Streed said. The decision, he added, collides with one of medicine’s oldest principles. “One of our main tenets in medical ethics is non-maleficence — do no harm,” Streed said. “And this is going to have direct harm on people.”

    The policy arrives amid a broader political push by the Trump administration and Republican lawmakers to restrict gender-affirming care nationwide.

    Streed and colleagues recently warned in a New England Journal of Medicineperspective that transgender people are incarcerated at more than four times the rate of the general population and that denying medically indicated gender-affirming care in prison can violate the constitutional requirement that incarcerated people receive adequate health care. Courts have repeatedly held that deliberate indifference to serious medical needs violates the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

    Advocacy groups say the Bureau’s new guidance may also worsen conditions for transgender people already at heightened risk of violence behind bars.

    “The devastating health effects of discontinuing hormone therapy for incarcerated transgender people are well-documented,” Jesse Lerner-Kinglake, communications director at Just Detention International, said in a statement to The Advocate. “People will suffer, just so that this administration can carry out its anti-trans agenda. The new BOP policies are an act of overt bigotry against the incarcerated transgender community, and place them directly in harm’s way.”

    Removing gender-affirming care, Lerner-Kinglake added, could increase vulnerability to abuse in a prison system where transgender people already face disproportionate violence.

    “By eliminating gender-affirming care, prison officials are sending a very clear signal that they don’t care about the safety and dignity of incarcerated transgender people,” they said. “They already had a bullseye on their back — and the federal government knows it. The rates of sexual abuse facing the transgender community were astronomical before these new policies. It’s hard to imagine this already abysmal situation getting worse. And yet it will.”

    Legal advocates say the new policy may also conflict with ongoing federal litigation.

    The case, Kingdom v. Trump, was filed in 2025 by three transgender people incarcerated in federal prisons who were diagnosed with gender dysphoria and had been prescribed hormone therapy by prison medical providers but were told their treatment would be stopped under the administration’s policy. 

    The lawsuit, brought by the American Civil Liberties Union and the Transgender Law Center, challenges the administration’s attempt to end gender-affirming medical care in federal custody. A federal judge later issued a preliminary injunction requiring the Bureau of Prisons to continue providing hormone therapy to incarcerated transgender people while the case proceeds.

    “The February 19 guidance from the Bureau of Prisons directing tapering of hormone therapy for transgender people in custody is a direct violation of the injunction in Kingdom v. Trump, which requires the BOP to continue providing hormones to people in custody with a gender dysphoria diagnosis,” said Shayna Medley, senior litigation staff attorney at Advocates for Trans Equality.

    “Our view is that this guidance is currently enjoined by the existing injunction in the Kingdom v. Trump litigation,” Medley said. “Implementation would be in direct violation of the federal court’s order to continue providing hormone therapy to transgender people in BOP custody with a gender dysphoria diagnosis.”

    The Federal Bureau of Prisons did not respond to The Advocate’s request for comment.

    Federal prisons house roughly 150,000 people nationwide. Only a small fraction identify as transgender, but physicians and advocates say policies governing their medical care can have profound consequences.

    For Streed, the stakes of the new guidance are difficult to overstate.

    “Withdrawing hormone therapy,” he said, “is a dangerous thing to do.”

  • DHS Seeks To Build Tool To Track Your Travel Details

    Mother Jones reports:

    The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the US Secret Service want to build a tool for tracking US travelers’ flights and other personal information according to previously unreported documents reviewed by Mother Jones. These agencies have asked for feedback from the private sector on whether this tool can be made, or if something like it already exists. Their request was posted on the government’s database for contractors.

    In it, the Secret Service, an arm of DHS, outlines the specifics they envision: a program that would provide real-time or near-real time access to a range of personal travel data, including passenger names, origins and destinations, flight numbers, ticket numbers, and forms of payment. The data would be gleaned from third-party ticketing sites, such as Orbitz or Expedia, and must cover major US and international airlines.

    Read the full article.

  • Many alleged suicides of Black trans women are in fact modern-day lynchings, report finds

    A new report is raising questions about how U.S. law enforcement agencies across the South classify the deaths of transgender women, arguing that some cases ruled suicides may warrant deeper scrutiny.

    The story, in too many Southern towns, begins with speed.

    A body is found. Authorities announce no foul play. A ruling is entered. The case, advocates argue, was closed before it was ever truly opened.

    Jill Collen Jefferson has spent years in the gap between what official records say and what families believe happened. The founder of social justice organization JULIAN, she has reviewed hundreds of deaths across seven Southern states, and her conclusion is unsparing: a pattern of deliberate misclassification is concealing bias-motivated killings of transgender women. These killings, she argues, are, by any honest accounting, modern-day lynchings.

    JULIAN’s new, “A Crimson Record: Seven State Modern-Day Lynching Report 2000–2025,” catalogs more than 150 deaths across MississippiTexasGeorgiaLouisianaFloridaTennessee, and Alabama. More than 50, or roughly one-third of the cases, involve transgender women.

    That proportion stands out when placed against federal hate crime data. According to the FBI’s Crime Data Explorer, there have been 2,726 anti-transgender hate crime incidents nationwide from January 2000 through February 2026, totaling 3,076 offenses. LGBTQ+ victims overall account for roughly 17 percent of reported hate crime victims nationally. Jefferson argues that transgender women’s overrepresentation in her Southern dataset reflects the intersection of racism and transphobia in regions historically shaped by racial terror.

    Even those federal figures come with caveats. Hate crime reporting is voluntary under the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program, and participation varies by agency. The result is a statistical landscape that is both incomplete and periodically paused.

    Jefferson contends that what cannot be fully counted can be more easily dismissed.

    The mechanisms she describes are bureaucratic as much as they are violent: crime scenes left unsecured, witnesses uninterviewed for days, cause of death determinations entered before investigators have spoken to anyone in the house.

    In one case, that of Willie Andrew Jones Jr., the first case JULIAN says it helped solve, authorities ruled the death a suicide within 40 minutes of arriving on the scene. “They didn’t interview the people who were in the house that night until four days later,” Jefferson said. “So they had four whole days to get their story together.”

    During the Reconstruction era documented by journalist Ida B. Wells, lynchings were routinely recorded as suicides, a designation, Jefferson said, that shielded perpetrators and neutralized outrage. Jefferson argues the reflex persists, adapted to contemporary conditions.

    “Back in the day, a lynching was called a suicide with a wink and a smile,” she said. “In the present day, they’re still called suicides. But now people take that seriously.” What makes these cases particularly resistant to justice, she argues, is structural. “Lynchings are different than other hate crimes in that you have to disprove one thing before you can actually prove what it is,” Jefferson said.

    She explained that a family cannot argue bias until they have first overturned an existing official classification; a high bar, made higher by the investigative failures that produced the classification in the first place. “It’s like taking a bad photograph,” Jefferson said, recounting what an FBI agent once told her. “If you mess it up in the beginning, there’s really no way to go back and fix it.”

    The landscape these claims enter is genuinely complicated. A 2025 commentary in Mental Health Science by researchers at George Washington University found that 59 percent of Black transgender and nonbinary youth reported active suicidal ideation in 2023, and 26 percent reported a past-year attempt — rates significantly higher than among their cisgender Black LGBTQ+ peers. The authors link these disparities to compounding stressors like racism, discrimination, anti-LGBTQ+ legislation, violence, and inadequate mental health infrastructure for this population.

    Jefferson does not dispute any of that. Her argument is narrower: that documented vulnerability should not be used as a substitute for actual investigation. “You still have the situation where there is this deliberate effort to find another reason, other than the obvious reason that’s right in front of you, to name this something else” — gang activity, robbery, in some cases, erotic asphyxiation. The alternative explanation changes; the function, she argues, remains the same.

    Jefferson describes a spectrum of institutional failure across the cases she has reviewed: incompetence at the scene, indifference at the precinct, and, at the prosecutorial level, what she characterizes as harder to excuse.

    “I have sat with DAs,” she said, “and I’ve given them evidence that shows this was not a suicide, this was a lynching, and they will still refuse to press charges.”

    Her policy prescriptions are specific. She wants the Emmett Till Anti-Lynching Act amended to create a separate federal cause of action for lynching, with life imprisonment as a potential penalty. She wants independent federal prosecutors assigned to these cases, removing them from local authorities, whom she argues are compromised by community relationships and personal bias. And she points to the qualification standards for coroners in states like Mississippi — a high school diploma and a passed test — as a systemic vulnerability that no one has adequately addressed.

    “I could be a coroner right now,” she said, “and I have absolutely no medical training.”

    If you or someone you know needs mental health resources and support, please call, text, or chat with the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline or visit 988lifeline.org for 24/7 access to free and confidential services. Trans Lifeline, designed for transgender or gender-nonconforming people, can be reached at (877) 565-8860. The lifeline also provides resources to help with other crises, such as domestic violence situations. The Trevor Project Lifeline, for LGBTQ+ youth (ages 24 and younger), can be reached at (866) 488-7386. Users can also access chat services at TheTrevorProject.org/Help or text START to 678678.

  • 17 states consider cutting assistance for HIV meds as prices increase

    States across the U.S. have either implemented or are considering measures that limit access to life-saving medications for tens of thousands of low-income people living with HIV. The moves, experts warn, are likely to lead to economic and public health crises.

    According to new data published this week by the National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors (NASTAD), 17 states and D.C. have already taken steps to cut costs for their AIDS Drug Assistance Programs (ADAP), while five others are considering similar measures.



    Since 1996, federally funded ADAPs have helped low-income, uninsured, and underinsured people afford HIV and AIDS medication, primarily through federal grants via the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resources Emergency Act of 1990.

    But as NASTAD’s report notes, “Federal funding for ADAPs has remained relatively unchanged over the last decade, while client enrollment and healthcare costs, including prescription drug, insurance premium, and cost-sharing expenditures, have continued to increase.” According to nonprofit health policy research group KFF, congressionally allocated funding for ADAPs “has not kept pace with inflation, even before accounting for enrollment growth and increased costs.”

    According to both NASTAD and KFF, the expiration of enhanced premium tax credits for the purchase of insurance through the Affordable Care Act marketplaces is another key factor driving up costs for ADAPs.

    “Effectively, programs are being asked to do more with less federal funding,” Lindsey Dawson, associate director of HIV policy at KFF, told the New York Times.

    That has led to 10 state ADAPs reporting budget deficits for the current fiscal year, while 19 ADAPs expect to face deficits in the upcoming fiscal year, according to NASTAD.

    NASTAD reports that five states — including Pennsylvania, Kansas, Delaware, and Rhode Island — have already lowered income eligibility for the ADAP. 

    By far the most drastic change took effect in Florida on Sunday. The state’s move to reduce income eligibility for its ADAP from 400% of the federal poverty level to 130%. That means people living with HIV in Florida who make more than approximately $20,500 annually — down from around $64,000 prior to the change — are now ineligible to receive ADAP assistance for medication that can cost more than $5,000 per month. By one estimate, 16,000 people living with HIV in Florida are now at risk of losing access to HIV/AIDS medications.

    Other states, including Arkansas, Louisiana, New Jersey, Virginia, and Washington, are similarly considering changes to financial eligibility criteria. Others have or are considering other measures, including reducing formularies (the list of drugs covered), annual spending caps, restricting or ending health insurance assistance, and implementing recertification requirements that will likely lead to disenrollment, according to KFF. NASTAD reports that Arkansas, Louisiana, and New Jersey are also considering implementing waitlists for assistance.

    Such cost-cutting measures “could leave growing numbers of people with HIV ineligible for safety-net services,” according to KFF.

    Esteban Wood, director of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, which is suing to block Florida’s ADAP changes, warned the New York Times this week that the changes represented not only a “moral disaster,” but would likely lead to both public health and economic disasters. HIV medications not only keep people living with the virus healthy, they also make it essentially impossible to transmit it, and cutting off access to those meds will inevitably lead to an increase in new infections. The Times also notes that if people begin rationing their pills, the likelihood that the virus becomes resistant to medication increases.

    The untold costs of such outcomes will have to be absorbed by other parts of the U.S. public health system, according to the Times.

  • An entire generation of AIDS survivors is now struggling with a hidden epidemic

    Tez Anderson decided to get tested for HIV after he moved to San Francisco in 1986 at the age of 25 and began dating his new boyfriend. When the results came back positive two weeks later, the doctor told Anderson he had 18 to 24 months to live. It was two days after his 26th birthday.

    Devastated by the news, Anderson began planning his death. But decades later, he remained relatively healthy while watching many friends and acquaintances die of HIV-related illnesses. As he approached age 50, Anderson realized, “Oh, my God, I’m going to be an old man with AIDS. What am I going to do?”



    “I had not put any money away in a 401K or savings or retirement account — dead people don’t need retirement accounts,” Anderson told LGBTQ Nation. “I didn’t make any plans for being old — I was making plans to die young.”

    He began having panic attacks, awful nightmares, and feelings of depression and anger. He kept imagining himself as homeless. He also began lashing out at people close to him and worried that AIDS had somehow damaged his brain. Simultaneously, he went on prolonged medication treatments that gave him constant diarrhea and difficulty sleeping.

    “It felt like I was having a nervous breakdown,” he told LGBTQ Nation. “I guess in some regards I was, but it was all around the idea that I am going to live, which most people would think seems illogical: to have a panic attack because I’m going to live.”

    Having long had an interest in psychology and having undergone lots of therapy, Anderson began researching trauma and its possible impact on his life. While speaking to other gay men who had also survived the height of the pandemic, Anderson gradually came to understand that he and many others had been experiencing features of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

    He personally didn’t like the word “disorder,” however, because — considering all the death, illness, uncertainty, and stress they had experienced while caring for dying friends and facing widespread anti-gay stigma — their feelings seemed quite natural and logical to him. 

    Eventually, he coined the term AIDS Survivor Syndrome (ASS) and, in 2013, decided to hold a town hall at the local LGBTQ+ center so that other long-term HIV survivors could share their experiences. 

    He expected about 40 people to show up — over 250 attended. They wrote their feelings and experiences onto giant pieces of paper on the walls. Over the evening, they all realized that they were not the only ones with these feelings, and “that there was community in that survival,” Anderson said.

    Anderson is now 66 years old and the executive director of Let’s Kick ASS, the nation’s first and largest group dedicated to improving the lives of long-term HIV survivors. 

    Around the time of the group’s first town hall, Anderson began collaborating with Dr. Ron Stall, a longtime HIV researcher at the University of Pittsburgh, who had been examining the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study (MACS), a long-term study tracking the psychosocial and biological effects of HIV infection in over 7,300 gay and bisexual men since the late 1980s.

    Together, the men identified the most common features of ASS: extreme emotional pain, trauma, and depression; survivor’s guilt and low self-esteem; suicidal ideation; anger, over-guardedness, and chronic anxiety; social isolation; fear of aging; and difficulty envisioning a future.

    While ASS shares some features of PTSD and complex-PTSD — both of which are psychological illnesses listed in the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) — both Anderson and Stall say that neither diagnosis encompasses all of ASS’ symptoms, a variety of traumas caused by the nearly 40-year duration of the AIDS pandemic. 

    While ASS is real, it’s not a widely recognized or diagnosable mental disorder. It’s unclear how many people with HIV survived the height of the AIDS epidemic and how many might currently suffer from ASS (though Stall found that 22% of gay and bi men who survived the AIDS epidemic reported experiencing three or more symptoms of ASS, including grief over lost partners). This makes it all the more necessary for Anderson and other activists and care professionals to raise social awareness about it.

    Towards that end, Anderson also founded HIV Long-Term Survivors Awareness Day, held every June 5, to honor, support, and raise awareness of the challenges they face. Through these and other efforts, ASS is gaining wider recognition.

    “If you had HIV, you couldn’t go through a time as traumatic as the 80s and 90s without major life-changing ramifications,” said Michael Gottlieb, the pioneering doctor who was among the first to report on a cluster of diseases that would later be known as AIDS. 

    Gottlieb described ASS as an experience of “depression, isolation, economic hardship, careers put aside, and a feeling that society had no idea what you had been through and didn’t much care,” adding, “Going forward, [society at large] was dismissive of your relevance.”

    Since coining the term, Anderson says the most eye-opening experience has been the large number of people who thank him in meetings, conferences, and on social media for explaining what they’re living through. They tell him that he helped naturalize their experience and erase the stigma and abnormality attached to it. He also notes that one doesn’t have to be LGBTQ+-identified or even HIV-positive to experience ASS; straight HIV-positive Black women and other HIV-negative survivors from the ’80s and ’90s can exhibit symptoms.

    Greater awareness about ASS is particularly important now, Anderson says, as the current presidential administration has cut research and programs into HIV awareness and prevention. At the same time, Anderson says that most medical authorities are primarily interested in the physical effects of HIV and HIV medication on aging bodies, and most mental health professionals may have never heard of ASS, leaving those who struggle with it to the internet to find more information and support.

    Anderson is still figuring out his future: He has developed multi-drug resistance to various HIV-treatments and currently takes three pills a day and a shot every six months just to keep his viral load undetectable. He and other people with ASS have experienced rapid aging and deterioration, making them look much older than they actually are. The isolation caused by ASS makes it feel immensely healing, he said, whenever people acknowledge them with genuine interest, kindness, assistance, and care.

    Despite all the hardships, he thinks ASS has given him and its other survivors a special gift.

    “For a population like long-term survivors who have lived so close to death for now 30 or 40 years, we have something to offer. We’re a resource about life and death, and our view of the world, I think it’s valuable. We’re not just people who need help. We are people who are restored,” he said.

    “I want people to feel like this experience meant something for them and for their experience in the world, and how they’re a repository of the knowledge that most people don’t have,” he continued. “Many of us have, at some point, become comfortable with the idea of dying. It has been difficult: a lot of therapy, a lot of crying…. Living with one foot in the grave and one foot in the living is a unique perspective, and it helps us be sort of death doulas, if you will.”