Increased representation and awareness of LGBTQ+ communities in entertainment, politics, and business seems to have increased anti-LGBTQ+ activism, according to a new report from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project. As a result, right-wing extremists stepped up their attacks on LGBTQ+ people during Pride Month celebrations nationwide.
Researchers found a spike in anti-LGBTQ+ protests during Pride celebrations, including in historically liberal states like California. One in five demonstrations took place there last month, according to the group.
Aside from anti-Pride protests, ACLED also notes that many of these protests targeted drag shows and gender-affirming care. Most anti-LGBTQ+ events were reported in Texas, New York, and California, with 26 states and the District of Columbia reporting events.
The organization reported that in 2022 far-right extremists committed more than 300 percent more anti-LGBTQ+ acts than the previous year, which “strongly” correlates with subsequent violence against gays and transgender people.
Actors on the right who haven’t always agreed on their particular take on ideology have joined forces against a common enemy: wokeness.
As a result, white supremacists and neo-Nazis have joined forces with violent street thugs like the Proud Boys and Christian nationalist groups to target LGBTQ+ communities.
Nevertheless, this adverse reaction to the rise in acceptance of LGBTQ+ people, as emphasized by corporations like Target during Pride Month, may result in a backlash. Despite most Americans’ support for gay marriage, images of vigilantes deciding who can read library books may not sit well with them.
According to ACLED, about half of June’s anti-LGBTQ+ protests were countered by pro-LGBTQ+ demonstrators. In addition, the group found twice as many LGBTQ-friendly events as anti-LGBTQ+ events.
On the most recent episode of her MSNBC show, former White House press secretary Jen Psaki devoted a segment to exposing the right-wing extremist agenda of the anti-LGBTQ+ organization Moms for Liberty.
Anyone who has been paying attention to the frequent chaos and anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric at school board meetings nationwide and efforts to ban books by and about LGBTQ+ people and people of color, you’re already well aware of what Moms for Liberty stands for.
SPLC said the hate group is “at the forefront” of the “mobilization” of right-wing extremist groups claiming to fight for “parents’ rights.”
But as Psaki noted on the July 16 episode of Inside with Jen Psaki, the organization claims to be non-partisan. That, along with the group’s misleading and innocuous-sounding name, has left many people confused about Moms for Liberty’s agenda — even after they themselves get involved with the group.
“Moms: great, sounds good. Liberty: awesome, who doesn’t like liberty? ‘Moms for Liberty.’ As the mom of two young kids, that even sounds good to me,” Psaki said. “But it’s vague enough, that even some of its own members are pretty unclear as to what the group is really all about, what they’re a part of.”
“Well, I’m here to help,” she continued. “Because as benign as Moms for Liberty may sound, its agenda is unmistakably extreme.”
She went on to catalog the group’s tactics and causes, including leading the movement to ban books, turning school board meetings into screaming matches, and intimidating both local officials and others in their communities.
“Chapters and members across the country have led campaigns targeting community advocates, school board members, and opposing groups,” Psaki explained. “They’ve repeatedly sent intimidating messages, openly threatened officials, and even baselessly leveled charges of child abuse and sympathizing with pedophilia.”
She also noted that one Indiana chapter infamously included an Adolph Hitler quote in a newsletter. The group apologized but later defended the inclusion of the quote.
Psaki also demolished Moms for Liberty’s claim that it is a nonpartisan organization. “Consider this,” she said. “One of the founders, whose name is notably omitted from its website, is a current Republican school board member who is married to the now-chairman of the Florida Republican Party. In 2021, he told the Washington Post, ‘I have been trying for a dozen years to get 20- and 30-year-old females involved with the Republican Party. But now Moms for Liberty has done it for me.’”
“So, below the surface of their friendly-sounding name, and politically vague taglines,” Psaki concluded, “they’re an unapologetically extreme organization that has built a long record of harassment and controversy, in a pretty short period of time.”
My answer to the question: “Is being LGBTQ enough to earn your vote?” is no. It’s the same answer I would give on whether just being Generation X, a millennial, a woman, or other minority, is enough to get my vote. We need to know in detail what a candidate stands for, what they have done prior to running for the office they are seeking, and what they will do better than their opponents. I often ask a candidate looking for my support, “What are the first three bills you will introduce if you win?” Then I ask what they think they can accomplish better than their opponents. Voters should look at the entire field to decide who gets their vote.
I am talking about a Democratic primary. In the general election, any Democrat is better than today’s Republicans. Ranked choice voting, which I oppose, can also complicate your choices.
Once I know a candidate’s record of accomplishments, and thoughts on issues of importance to me, I then compare that to their opponent’s record and thoughts. Too often today candidates run without telling us what they will do once elected. As a policy wonk I want to know this prior to endorsing someone. I do recognize for many voters, it doesn’t matter.
I
remember when Barney Frank once used this quote speaking to the LGBTQ community, “If we aren’t at the table we will be on the menu.” In some ways, and in some situations, that is still true. In others, we have moved beyond that. In the United States Congress today, there are 13 members of the LGBTQ community, 11 in the House and two in the Senate. There are approximately 200 members of the Equality Caucus representing members who support the LGBTQ community. On June 21, 2023, they reintroduced the Equality Act, first introduced by Congresswoman Bella S. Abzug (D-N.Y.), who I worked for, in 1974. She was one of the leading allies fighting for then LGBT rights. I am not convinced one more member of the LGBTQ community in Congress would make a difference.
In the 2020 Democratic presidential primaries we had a very smart openly gay candidate, Pete Buttigieg. While I didn’t think he was ready to be president, I co-chaired fundraisers for him fervently believing he represented the community well, and needed to be heard. I differentiated wanting him to be heard, and voting for him. Thankfully, we have some great organizations, like Victory Fund, whose mission is to both endorse, and raise funds, for LGBTQ candidates. While I strongly support their work, I don’t necessarily support each candidate they endorse. In today’s complex world I need to know more before I endorse a candidate.
Because we have in many ways moved the needle forward, despite some recent court decisions, there can be Democratic primaries today where an LGBTQ candidate is running against another LGBTQ candidate, or an African American, a Latino, an Asian, a person with a disability, or a woman. We know each community may have a stake in electing their person. So as informed voters, we need to move beyond ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, or sexual identity, to determine whom we will support.
We need to look at records and platforms. For me, a gay man, if all candidates support the Equality Act, full inclusion, and the full panoply of the LGBTQ community’s rights, along with having a record of speaking out on these issues, I will look at all of them equally. I want to know where they are on climate change, education, public safety, immigration, and a host of other issues that will make a difference in our world. If they are running for national office today, what do they think about support for Ukraine, and their views on our military readiness? At all levels of government what are their positions on voting rights, and a woman’s right to choose? Do they believe in, and will they stand up for, the separation of church and state? Others may make their decisions on a different set of issues.
So, deciding whom to vote for today is complicated. I will endorse and vote for the person I think can make the most progress on the issues I care about.
As the country and world become more aware and accepting of LGBTQ identities, an increasing number of people are coming out as nonbinary, which means their gender identity is neither exclusively male nor female.
A Pew Research Center survey published last year found that about 1.6% of U.S. adults identify as transgender or nonbinary. Transgender means someone’s gender identity, or the personal sense of their gender, differs from the sex they were assigned at birth, which is based on their external sex characteristics.
Transgender can be thought of as an umbrella term, and nonbinary exists under that, though not all nonbinary people identify as transgender. Some nonbinary people also identify with other terms that describe identities outside of the male-female binary, such as genderfluid, genderqueer or bigender.
Younger adults are more likely than older adults to be trans or nonbinary. Pew found that 5.1% of adults under 30 are trans or nonbinary, including 2% who are a trans man or trans woman and 3% who are nonbinary.
Two national surveys of LGBTQ people ages 18 to 60 found that 11% of them identified as nonbinary, according to a June 2021 reportfrom the Williams Institute, a think tank at UCLA School of Law.
Though the term nonbinary has gained increasing mainstream recognition over the last decade, nonbinary people are not new or a trend. Out & Equal, a nonprofit that advocates for LGBTQ workplace equality, created a resource that traces nonbinary identities back to 2000 BCE.
Different cultures also have their own terms for nonbinary identities, according to GLAAD, an LGBTQ media advocacy group. Some Native American people, for example, use the term two-spirit to describe people who are neither exclusively men nor women.
Nonbinary people can use any personal pronoun, including “he” and “she.” Many use the gender-neutral pronoun “they,” and some use neopronouns, such as “xe,” “xir” and “xirs.”
According to a 2021 Pew survey, a quarter, or 26%, of Americans say they know someone who uses gender-neutral pronouns, up from 18% in 2018.
Nonbinary people can dress in various ways, and some will pursue social and/or medical transition, while others won’t. Nonbinary is also different from intersex, which refers to people who are born with reproductive or sexual anatomy that falls outside of what people would typically describe as male or female.
International Nonbinary Day is celebrated annually on July 14 and is an opportunity to honor and recognize the nonbinary community.
The day was first celebrated in 2012, after nonbinary writer Katje van Loon wrote a blog post suggesting the nonbinary community be honored on July 14, which falls halfway between International Women’s Day (March 8) and International Men’s Day (Nov. 19).
“We can feel invisible in a world that still hasn’t completely understood what we are. So it’s nice to have a day that recognises our existence,” Loon wrote. “I want people to be happy with themselves. And if having a day helps you be happy with yourself, that’s great. That is the best outcome I could have hoped for from that one-off blog post that I wrote 10 years ago.”
The rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people have taken center stage ahead of Spain’s July 23 national election.
Opinion polls predict Alberto Nunez Feijoo’s conservative People’s Party (PP) will win the election after four years of coalition government by Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s Socialists and the leftist Unidas Podemos.
But Feijoo would likely need the support of the far-right Vox party to form a government. Vox has strongly opposed LGBTQ rights.
Here is what you need to know.
Why are LGBTQ+ advocates worried?
Local elections in May paved the way for PP-Vox coalitions in several Spanish municipalities.
Vox made headlines in May by hanging a sign from a Madrid building showing a hand dropping cards with symbols representing feminism, communism, the LGBTQ community and Catalan independence into a rubbish bin.
A new Vox-led authority in the small eastern town of Naquera last month said it would no longer display the rainbow-colored flag on public buildings.
In Valdemorillo, a small town near Madrid, the new PP-Vox council cancelled a performance of a theatre adaptation of Virginia Woolf’s novel “Orlando,” in which the protagonist changes gender.
What do right-wing parties advocate?
Both Vox and the PP have promised to take action against some pro-LGBTQ measures passed by the left-wing government.
They have both pledged to change a self-determination law that came into force in March, allowing trans people over 16 to change their legal gender simply by informing the official registry, rather than undergoing two years of hormone treatment.
The law also allows children over 14 to change their legal gender with parental approval.
The PP and Vox, as well as some women’s rights groups, argue the legislation puts women in single-sex spaces at risk and have accused the left of forcing children to medically transition.
“Changing your sex is easier than getting a driver’s license,” Feijoo said. Vox party leader Santiago Abascal said “the ‘trans law’ discriminates against women.”
But the parties have not clarified which parts of the law they would revoke. The legislation also banned so-called conversion therapy, which aims to change someone’s sexual orientation and gender identity, and unnecessary surgery on intersex babies, who are born neither exclusively male nor female.
Both the PP and Vox declined to answer requests for comment.
Vox has also proposed allowing parents to take their children out of sex education classes and lessons covering sexual and gender diversity.
What do LGBTQ activists say?
Spain is fourth in the ranking of European countries’ LGBTQ rights by advocacy group ILGA-Europe, but LGBTQ activists said a PP-Vox government would roll back their rights.
Several international surveys rank Spain amongst the most LGBTQ-friendly societies in the world, although hate crimes against the community rose by 68% between 2019 and 2021, Interior Ministry data showed.
A right-wing government could also target LGBTQ rights by failing to implement existing laws, said Uge Sangil, head of LGBTQ umbrella group, FELGTB.
“We could go back 40 years,” Sangil said.
For some, a PP-Vox coalition could also delay long-awaited measures such as including a nonbinary option on identity documents.
“It would not only mean bring a setback in rights — we would also have practically no chances of moving forward,” said Darko Decimavilla, a nonbinary activist.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people in Cameroon are all too aware of homophobic rhetoric and violent attacks against them. This has been highlighted once again in the outpouring of vitriol before a scheduled visit by Jean-Marc Berthon, the French ambassador for the Rights of LGBT+ Persons.
Berthon was due to visit Cameroon later last month for an event on gender and sexuality hosted by the French Institute in Yaoundé, the capital. Cameroon’s government officially registered its objection to the visit, and Foreign Minister Lejeune Mbella Mbella said in the media that the visit would contravene Cameroonian law, which forbids consensual same-sex relations.
The visit was then cancelled.
Since the visit was announced, many people have called for mob justice and violence against LGBT persons on social media. Some government and political officials, as well as public figures, referred to LGBT people as “against nature,” “an anomaly,” “vampire citizens,” “destructive of the family,” “destructive of the state,” or as using “satanic and demonic practices.” In addition to this online hatred, people perceived as LGBT live with constant threats of harassment and physical violence every day.
Tamu (not their real name), an LGBT activist living in Yaoundé, told me, “The situation is very tense. People are scared. Everywhere you go you hear: ‘We have to burn them all.’ … There are young [LGBT] people calling me from everywhere. They don’t know what to do.”
The foreign minister claimed that there are no LGBT people in Cameroon, which is patently false. LGBT groups exist in Cameroon and several even manage to work with the government on initiatives to combat HIV/AIDS. But Cameroon has a dismal track record on upholding the rights of LGBT people. Security forces have failed to protect LGBT people from violence and in some instances have been responsible for acts of violence, or complicit in them. The Cameroonian government should unequivocally condemn violence and incitement to violence against LGBT people, investigate such crimes against LGBT persons, and bring those responsible to justice.
When the U.S. Supreme Court revoked the national guarantee of abortion rights last year, there were warnings that the ruling would endanger other rights involving bodily autonomy. And indeed, it’s now being weaponized against gender-affirming care.
The ruling, from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, isn’t the final word on the case; it simply lets the law go into force while the suit against it is heard. But it’s raising concern that other courts might buy the argument or, if federal appellate circuits disagree on the question, the issue of gender-affirming health care could be decided by the Supreme Court — where conservatives currently outnumber liberals by six to three. Vox senior correspondent Ian Millhiser raised this possibility in a recent article.
Representatives of LGBTQ+ organizations, however, say the jury is out, so to speak.
“There’s a high likelihood that these organization and states [behind the care bans] want to push this all the way to the Supreme Court,” Sarah Warbelow, vice president of legal at the Human Rights Campaign, tells The Advocate. Whether they’ll manage to do so, though, “is really hard to say,” she adds.
Sixth Circuit Chief Judge Jeffrey Sutton wrote the opinion placing a hold on the injunction against the Tennessee ban, and he mentioned the Dobbs ruling several times. “If a law restricting a medical procedure that applies only to women does not trigger heightened scrutiny, as in Dobbs, a law equally appliable to all minors, no matter their sex at birth, does not require such scrutiny either,” he wrote in one instance. When a court considers the constitutionality of a law, heightened scrutiny, also known as strict scrutiny, means that the government must prove it has a compelling interest behind the law and that the statute is tailored as narrowly as possible to achieve its goals.
But Judge Helene White, who dissented from Sutton’s ruling, pointed out that the Tennessee ban does treat minors differently based on their sex at birth. It bans gender-affirming procedures for minors who do not identify as the gender assigned at birth but allows them for those who do. “To illustrate, under the law, a person identified male at birth could receive testosterone therapy to conform to a male identity, but a person identified female at birth could not,” she wrote.
Until Sutton wrote his ruling, every federal court that had considered the constitutionality of these laws reached the conclusion that they discriminated based on sex, White observed. Such laws have been temporarily blocked (while cases are heard) in Alabama, Florida, Indiana, and Kentucky because federal judges believed that those who are challenging them are likely to prove such discrimination, and a judge in Arkansas has gone further by striking down that state’s law, the first ruling on such a law’s merits. In a suit in Oklahoma, the state and the challengers have agreed that the law will not be enforced while the case proceeds.
Jennifer Levi, senior director of transgender and queer rights at GLBTQ Legal Advocates and Defenders, says this shows the Sixth Circuit’s ruling is off base. “The states have been citing Dobbsall along, and the courts have rejected that,” Levi says.
On whether there will be a rash of such rulings or the Supreme Court will eventually get involved, she says, “I think it’s really premature to speculate at this point.” GLAD is representing clients challenging the Alabama law and the Florida one; the Alabama trial is scheduled for next spring, while there’s not a definite timetable for the Florida case.
HRC is co-counsel in the Alabama and Florida cases, plus one in Georgia that’s in a very early stage. The Alliance Defending Freedom, an anti-LGBTQ+ legal nonprofit that has won cases at the Supreme Court, including the recent “right to discriminate” case out of Colorado, is working with Alabama officials to defend that state’s ban, and it’s pushing the use of Dobbs, Warbelow notes.
Ultraconservative Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the Dobbs majority opinion, was very specific that it applied only to abortion, although that didn’t keep fellow conservatives like Justice Clarence Thomas from saying the court should use the same reasoning to strike down marriage equality and other rights. But still, in cases involving gender-affirming care, judges across the political spectrum are blocking or striking down the bans, Warbelow observes.
Ash Orr, press relations manager at the National Center for Transgender Equality, agrees that it’s “premature to form a definitive opinion” about what will happen with the gender-affirming care cases. But the situation bears watching, he says.
If the reasoning used in the Sixth Circuit decision continues to be applied, Orr says, “it could result in significant regression regarding numerous rights.” Beyond the question of whether these bans discriminate, courts must consider whether rights are “deeply rooted in this nation’s history and traditions,” he points out. Judge Sutton asserted that those challenging the Tennessee law had not demonstrated that the right to new medical treatments was deeply rooted.
As various courts rule on the constitutionality of gender-affirming care bans, “it is probable that they will eventually necessitate a comprehensive review by the Supreme Court,” Orr adds. One factor in whether the high court takes a case is whether there is a so-called circuit split — that is, appeals courts in different circuits have ruled differently on an issue.
In the meantime, there are things that not only lawyers and organizations but ordinary citizens can do, beyond supporting the organizations bringing these cases. Warbelow recommends becoming informed about what gender-affirming care for youth consists of and then sharing that information with others.
“Have that conversation with the people in your life,” she says. “We need more people who can spread the word.”
In June, the Japanese Diet, the national legislature of Japan, passed its first-ever law on sexual orientation and gender identity. It seeks to “promote understanding” and avoid “unfair discrimination.” The law states that “all citizens, irrespective of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity, are to be respected as individuals with inherent and inviolable fundamental human rights.” While a good start, the measure falls short of the comprehensive nondiscrimination legislation called for by a number of Japanese rights groups.
The legislation obligates the national government to draw up a basic implementation plan to promote understanding of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people, and to protect them from “unfair discrimination.” It also stipulates that government entities, businesses, and schools “need to strive” to take similar action.
A first draft of the bill had to be shelved following opposition from conservative members of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which included prejudiced statements and political posturing. But in early 2023, LGBT rights groups united to revive the bill, launching a new Group of Seven (G7) engagement group, Pride7, to establish a dialogue between civic groups and G7 governments about LGBT-related policies. With encouragement from peer G7 nations, the LDP submitted a revised bill to the Diet on May 18, a day before the G7 summit began in Hiroshima. But again, facing opposition from lawmakers, the bill was subject to delays and revisions.
The long journey for equality for Japan’s LGBT community is not over. This new law, while advancing the rights of LGBT people, falls well short of ensuring them equal protection from discrimination.
A transgender male wheelchair user was shot five times with a pellet gun during an anti-LGBTQ+ assault. He’s now sharing his story to highlight both the attack and the poor hospital care he allegedly received afterward. He also hopes to encourage other trans people to speak out about their own experiences.
Around midnight on Saturday, July 15, Andrew Jonathan Blake-Newton of Pontiac, Michigan rode in his power wheelchair to get groceries at a store about two blocks away from his home. During his trip, a person in a small beige 4-door car began shooting him and then drove away while laughing and calling him a “tra**y fa**ot.”
Several bones in his face were fractured in the attack.
The pellets were embedded in his right wrist, right side, right leg, and left leg, with blood leaking out from each small wound. Blake-Newton — who has multiple sclerosis and uses a wheelchair full-time — immediately contacted his husband, who called an ambulance.
But Blake-Newton said the care staff at St. Joseph Mercy Oakland Hospital provided inadequate care.
“They got the pellets out, caused me severe pain by taking their sweet time doing X-rays while I sobbed on the metal table trapped on my back,” he stated in a public Facebook video.
He worried that the puncture wounds could become seriously infected but said the hospital staff’s wound dressings all came off in under 15 minutes after they were applied. He also said that hospital workers refused to provide “anti-infection and wound care supplies,” and he had no way to get home since the ambulance had no space to accommodate his wheelchair.
Though he notified the police, he didn’t get a plate number and couldn’t describe the assailant since he has facial blindness, so he’s doubtful that anything will be done.
The Human Rights Campaign, which tracks each year’s anti-trans murders, has said that transphobic assaults have increased over the past few years as conservatives have increasingly accused trans, queer, and allied individuals of “grooming,” “sexualizing,” and “mutilating” children. The true number of anti-trans assaults in the U.S. is difficult to quantify since some police and media reports don’t record trans survivors’ gender identities, and some trans survivors don’t report attacks for fear of police mistreatment.
Nonetheless, Blake-Newton wrote, “No trans person should have to fear leaving their home… My hope is that my story will spread and that one trans voice, one trans experience will encourage other trans voices to join until we finally become loud enough to be heard and that real change will be made.”
As a 7-year-old, Adelyn Vigil believed death was the way to be able to live as a girl.
Adelyn’s nightly prayer to God was to become a bird to be able to fly, then die and then be made into a girl.
“I was crying and I told her: ‘Oh, but mom, it’s going to take a long time, because first I have to die as a boy and then as a bird and then be a girl,” Adelyn, 14, told Noticias Telemundo about the conversation with her mother years earlier.
“The only thing I could say without crying was: ‘You know you don’t have to die,’” the trans teen’s mother, Adamalis Vigil, said in an interview, recalling the conversation. “I said, ‘If that’s what’s going to make you happy, you can do that. You don’t have to die.’”
Adelyn usually speaks with a smile, except when she starts talking about what makes her afraid: The estrogen hormone treatment she started a year ago is running out and she was left without a doctor after Republican Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed state Senate Bill14 at the beginning of June. The law bans medical professionals from prescribing drugs to block puberty, hormonal therapies and gender transition surgeries on minors under 18.
The law “is going to be the toughest battle we’re going to face,” Adelyn’s mother said. The advice of a team of specialists and specialized medical care “is what has kept my daughter alive,” she added.
Adelyn is one of nearly 30,000 people ages 13 to 17 who identify as transgender in Texas, according to data from the Williams Institute at the University of California, UCLA. It’s the largest young transgender population of the nearly 20 conservative states that have passed similar laws in recent months.
Adelyn, who wants to be an attorney like Elle Woods (Reese Witherspoon) in “Legally Blonde” when she grows up, wants to move to Washington, D.C., work in human rights and someday be a mom.
“It’s crazy what these legislators are trying to do, someone has to stop them,” Adelyn said about the state bill.
At least 64 bills against trans people have been introduced in Texas and four have passed, according to a count by Trans Legislation Tracker, an advocacy group that tracks these pieces of legislation around the country.
Those who promote and support laws banning gender-affirming care for minors, including puberty blockers and hormones, believe they are too young to make these kinds of decisions about their bodies and that the care is too experimental.
Adelyn spoke to Noticias Telemundo before her 15th birthday on July 24. She was emotional when talking about her quinceañera party — a tradition in Latino families when a young woman turns 15 — and she was excited about her dress, which had crystals, sequins, a bow and a layer of tulle. She bought it in Mexico, where her family is from.
According to Adamalis, the first signs regarding her child’s gender identity came early, when Adelyn was 3 years old. One day, Adamalis was sorting clothes in her closet and Adelyn saw a fuchsia party dress with crystals and asked her mom not to donate it. “When I grow up,” Adelyn told her mom, “I’m going to be a woman and I’m going to wear it.”
Adamalis told the child, “It doesn’t work like that, when you are born and you are a boy, you grow up and become a man,” she said. “And when you are born and you are a girl, you grow up and become a woman. It doesn’t work any other way.”
Adamalis said she tried to get information to understand what was happening and after much searching, she came across articles about trans people. “I had a word for what was happening to Adelyn,” she said.
“I knew I was in the wrong body,” Adelyn said. For Adelyn, there was first a social transition: buying girl’s clothes and shoes, growing her hair, changing her name and telling her family, friends and staff at her school who she was.
“My first instinct was to take her to the doctor,” her mother said. A pediatrician “examined her physically and he was the one who told me: ‘Your first step is going to be to take her to a counselor, a psychologist and talk to the school.’”
Transgender people like Adelyn often experience “a true disconnect between their birth-assigned sex and their inner sense of who they are,” according to the Human Rights Campaign. The anxiety caused by this disconnection has been referred to by doctors as gender dysphoria, since it can cause severe pain and anguish in the lives of trans people.
She was “very sad all the time and would come home and cry,” Adamalis said.
Medical treatments, then a law banning them
For Adelyn, puberty blockers weren’t an option until she was 13 years old; then, after intense and prolonged medical care and assessments, she started hormone therapy with estrogen for a year. The treatments allow her to maintain a finer voice and prevent her from developing masculine features such as a prominent Adam’s apple.
Adelyn said that Texas’ ban on this kind of treatment for minors is “as if the lawmakers are telling you: ‘No, you can’t be you anymore’; ‘wait, wait.’ But if I wait, I will see myself as a man — I don’t want that,” she said, adding that is one of her biggest fears.
Puberty blockers “temporarily stop this process of change and give the adolescent and their family members the opportunity to explore a little more what their options are in the future,” said Dr. Uri Belkind, associate medical director of Adolescent Medicine at the Callen-Lorde Community Health Center in New York.
There are a series of protocols and medical criteria that must be followed before prescribing hormones and they’re not recommended for children who have not yet started puberty, according to the Mayo Clinic.
Puberty blockers, according to the Mayo Clinic, “do not cause permanent physical changes” but may affect growth, bone density and fertility, “although it depends on when the medication is started.” That is why they recommend that each case be evaluated specifically and that patients have a specialized medical team.
“We have enough evidence to say very clearly that these drugs are medically necessary, that they produce benefits, that the benefits outweigh the risks, and that, in one way or another, they improve quality of life and even save lives,” Belkind said.
That’s why the bill worries Adamalis.
“Of all the battles, I think this is the worst, because this kind of help is what has kept my daughter alive,” Adamalis said about her daughter. “When I found her [medical] team, she was happy. Her anxiety went away, her panic attacks went away,” Adamalis said.
Laws like the one in Texas, said Belkind, prevent medical professionals like him from providing patients the care they need, and by not having access, “they see their body getting further and further and further away from the idea that they have of themselves.”
This is dangerous because it generates anxiety, depression and stress. “We know that suicide rates increase in patients who don’t have access to this type of medication,” Belkind said.
Adelyn and her family would drive eight hours for appointments with the endocrinologist who was supervising her transition along with a team of experts. A few days ago, they got a letter from the endocrinologist saying that they could no longer treat her. The doctor was moving to California, the doctor confided to the family, because of the situation in Texas.
As a family, they’re considering traveling to New Mexico or Mexico to seek medical advice that is being denied at home. Adelyn doesn’t want to live in Texas but her mother said that, unfortunately, moving is currently not a possibility.
Adamalis said that the medical treatment they were able to get up to now “has given us the best years of Adelyn,” but that now she feels afraid and helpless.
She asks politicians to “educate themselves on the issue, but more than anything, to focus on what the problem really is: immigration reform, getting better health insurance, gun reform.”
Trans children and adolescents “are not the problem,” Adamalis said.
‘It has saved our entire family’
Juan is going to be 10 years old and identifies as trans. Due to his age, he’s only experienced a social transition with the support of his family, who is of Mexican origin, and a medical team that includes psychologists and counselors. The family lives in California, a state that, unlike Texas, has passed legislation to protect the legal and medical rights of LGBTQ+ people.
Juan’s transition began three years ago, although “from a very young age, from a very young age, around 2 years old — he always identified himself as a masculine,” his mother, Grisel Soriano, told Noticias Telemundo.
The process, she said, hasn’t been easy. “We went through a very complex emotional situation … because we didn’t really understand what was happening,” Soriano said.
For two years, the family tried to find alternatives, such as taking refuge in religion, but “we really started the transition out of survival,” Soriano said, adding that at the age of 6 “Juan had already had thoughts of death.”
His clothes, his hair, his name, made him suffer, Soriano said. “He didn’t like the gender that we were forcing him to live in at all.”
The family, guided by a team of medical experts, has supported Juan, although his mother feels that as parents they are judged and recriminated by a society that doesn’t understand them.
“It’s difficult to understand a trans family. It’s difficult to understand a trans child when you do not have one at home … until we hear our children say that they would be better off dead,” Soriano said.
Soriano believes that there are many myths surrounding trans children and their families. “They judge us as if one day our children decided to be trans children and we say happily, we are going to help them … We went through a difficult process and we do it from affection, from love,” she said.
Families, especially parents, go through a process similar to the stages of grief: shock, denial, anger, negotiation and acceptance, wrote Jason Rafferty, a pediatrician and psychiatrist at the American Academy of Pediatrics.
Rejecting and suppressing trans minors won’t make them change their gender identity, Rafferty wrote, but it harms the child’s emotional health and development and possibly contributes to high rates of depression, anxiety and other mental health problems.
Nearly 600 anti-trans bills have been promoted across the country in 2023, according to the Trans Legislation Tracker‘s count. By contrast, only 19 bills were promoted in 2015.
Juan’s transition — he chose his name — “has been happiness for him,” his mother said. “After we started the transition, I saw him comfortable, I saw him happy, I saw him content … The transition has saved not only Juan, it has saved our entire family.”
Juan, whose favorite sport is American football, wants to be a doctor when he grows up. “I want to help children who are trans too,” he said.
He wanted to tell his story so that other children like him know that “everything will be fine.”